Following Hickenlooper’s failed, almost invisible presidential campaign (if a candidate runs for president and no one noticed or cared did it really happen?), Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York and the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC) in Washington, D.C. flicked aside several respected Colorado Democrats and crowned him as the presumptive Democratic nominee.

Former House Majority Leader Alice Madden, State Sen. Angela Williams, former U.S Attorney John Walsh, former Ambassador Dan Baer, and former State Sen. Mike Johnson had been in the race for months and had demonstrated they actually wanted to be a senator while Hickenlooper was running around Iowa and New Hampshire. But they were all pushed out of the race by the New York-Washington axis of Democratic power.

Former House Speaker Andrew Romanoff, University of Colorado at Colorado Springs professor Stephanie Rose Spaulding, climate activist Diana Bray, immigration activist Michelle Ferrigno Warren, and biomedical scientist Trish Zornio stubbornly remain in the Democratic primary race. Don’t they understand the high masters of the national Democratic Party have deemed them unworthy?

The fact that Romanoff and Madden engineered a hard-fought Democratic majority in the Colorado House of Representatives for the first time in thirty years in 2004 apparently is insignificant.

Hickenlooper famously declared during his vanity run for president that he was not cut out to be a senator because senators really don’t do anything. Disparaging an office where so many prominent and respected Coloradans of both parties have previously served such as Gary Hart, Bill Armstrong, Tim Wirth, Hank Brown, Ben Campbell, Wayne Allard, Mark Udall and Ken Salazar, is insulting to their service and their records of accomplishment for Colorado and the nation.

Meanwhile, Hickenlooper has been mired in an ethics investigation that the national Democratic Party did not anticipate. Being investigated for violating Colorado’s ethics laws is one thing but the way Hickenlooper is handling the controversy must be terribly embarrassing to Schumer and the DSCC.

The charges against Hickenlooper are substantive. He blew off ethics disclosure requirements and failed to accurately report travel expenses paid for by what he calls “friends” but that are really “special interest parties” while he was governor. In one case, he issued an executive order that directly benefited a wealthy supporter after being treated to a private flight to the wedding of the brother of that wealthy donor. Adding some special color to this episode is that Hickenlooper officiated at the wedding.

After these ethical lapses were exposed, the governor is entitled to state legal representation to answer the charges. But rather than using an assistant state attorney general costing the state $112 per hour, he insisted on the state paying one of Colorado’s most prominent and partisan private election law attorneys at $525 an hour.

The money to pay Hickenlooper’s legal expenses comes from a special fund of $146 million set up in 2003 by the federal government to help states in the aftermath of the 9/11 tragedy and the 2001 recession to cover essential government services or to cover the costs of certain unfunded federal mandates. Hickenlooper’s legal fees are “essential government services”?

Republican legislators called on the Legislative Audit Committee to investigate the possible abuse of this fund but Democrats unanimously killed the idea. The daughter of one of the Democratic members of the committee worked on the Hickenlooper presidential campaign and is now on the Senate campaign staff. Conflict of interest anyone?

But the most revealing moment of this ethics scandal came during an interview with a Denver television reporter who pressed Hickenlooper on the issue. A flustered Hickenlooper told the reporter that journalists should be defending him. “You guys should be protecting me from this stuff,” he said.

Indeed, Hickenlooper led a charmed life as a Denver mayor and Colorado governor over sixteen years, and he apparently expects the same kid-glove treatment in this Senate race. But he is quickly finding out the rules do apply to him and real scrutiny of his candidacy will happen.

This Senate seat is nothing more than a consolation prize he feels entitled to after his futile run for president.

Andrew Romanoff was right when he said this week that Democratic power brokers “recruited into this race a fellow who said he didn’t want the job and wouldn’t be good at it, and they’ve done everything they possibly can to stifle this primary, to anoint the winner, to turn what ought to be a contest into a coronation.”

Perhaps the all-powerful and all-knowing Senate minority leader and the DSCC are starting to regret their decision.

Dick Wadhams is a Republican political consultant and a former Colorado Republican state chairman.

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For those who tried to repeal the death penalty in Colorado last year, the 33 and one were never in question. But the 2019 bill, widely seen as a shoo-in one year ago, never had more than 15 confirmed votes in the 35-member Senate, and it fizzled in .

Through conversations with more than a dozen lawmakers and advocates closely involved in the soon-to-come 2020 repeal bill, The Denver Post has learned that the death penalty abolition movement in Colorado finally can count to 18 — and perhaps higher.

That����ap mainly attributable to two developments: an ongoing effort to heal wounds within the Senate Democratic caucus and newfound GOP support.

New in the “yes” column this year are Republicans Jack Tate and Owen Hill. Last year’s bill had only one Senate Republican — Kevin Priola of Henderson — confirmed in support. This time around, Tate has not only flipped his vote, but will team up with Denver Democrat Julie Gonzales as lead sponsor of the 2020 repeal bill.

“I believe we should promote public policies that make our communities safer and provide victims with the services they need,” Tate, of Centennial, said when asked about his change of heart. “The death penalty fails to do those things while also risking innocent lives. My experience shows it is an ineffective and expensive system, and my philosophical stance is that the state should not have the power of life and death.”

Hill, of Colorado Springs, said in a text message: “I am opposed to governments killing their citizens and will sponsor the bill.”

Republican state Sen. Paul Lundeen of Monument said he might vote for the repeal bill but that he’s not sure yet.

There’s been significant movement on the other side of the aisle, as well.

Democrats hold a 19-16 majority in the Senate, but, in this case, only 18 Democratic votes are gettable.

Assistant Majority Leader Rhonda Fields is firmly opposed to repealing the death penalty. Her son and his fiancée were murdered in 2005, and the killers, Sir Mario Owens and Robert Ray, are two of the three members of Colorado’s death row.

Since 1976, Colorado has executed just one man — murderer and rapist Gary Lee Davis, in 1997.

Fields said she was deeply offended last year by how quickly the lead sponsors of the 2019 repeal bill, Gonzales and Democratic Sen. Angela Williams of Denver, rolled it out. Fields said it was a “one, two, three gut punch” when, in a span of just three days, the bill was introduced in the Senate, touted in a press conference and debated in a committee hearing.

Several Democrats who philosophically oppose the death penalty felt uncomfortable supporting the bill after Fields complained about the process. On the day that Gonzales announced she was suspending the 2019 repeal effort, four Senate Democrats’ votes were uncertain: Jessie Danielson of Wheat Ridge, Nancy Todd of Aurora, Tammy Story of Conifer and Joann Ginal of Fort Collins.

“I have so much respect for Sen. Fields and for her experience and for her perspective,” Gonzales said. “The day that I pulled the bill last year, I was in the bathroom crying and (Fields) came and she gave me a hug, and I told her, ‘You know I’m going to bring this bill back next year.'”

Gonzales said she has taken steps to ensure that this year’s process is respectful of Fields.

“I will be forthright and direct every step of the way. That’s my commitment to her and to everyone involved in this process.”

There’s been another key change: Williams is no longer a lead sponsor. Many, including Gonzales, criticized her handling of last year’s bill, and Williams said she will play a supporting role this year.

The new approach has so far worked on Story and Ginal, who both said Wednesday that they plan to vote to abolish the death penalty.

“I support repealing the death penalty. I think it����ap the right move, the appropriate policy. I think it����ap what needs to happen,” Story said.

Said Ginal: “Unless something in the process happens like last year, then you will see me voting to abolish the death penalty.”

Danielson would not comment on how she will vote, and Todd could not be reached for comment.

One Senate champion of last year’s repeal bill, Lois Court of Denver, is stepping down next week, but a favorite to replace her, state Rep. Chris Hansen, told The Post he would “unequivocally, absolutely” support the effort.

Fields is prepared to fight the bill again this year, but she’s also aware of the political reality she’s up against.

“It����ap a longstanding value that many of my colleagues have, so I don’t expect for them to give up on something that����ap important to them,” she said, adding that she’s “pleased” with how Gonzales has handled the process.

If and when the death penalty is abolished, Fields said, she will be glad to move past the conversation.

“It����ap hurtful, because it reminds me of my own personal trauma and scars as it relates to the death of my son and his fiancée, and I have to live with that pain and those scars every day.”

Many others in the Senate are also ready to stop talking about this. The 2020 repeal bill, which could be introduced in the coming days, will be Colorado’s sixth attempt in about a dozen years.

“I don’t think anybody wants to keep bringing up the death penalty year after year,” Story said. “I think there’s a desire to be able to bring it forward, take the votes and then be able to move on.”

State Sen. Angela Williams, a Denver Democrat, announced Monday morning that she has changed her mind and will no longer seek re-election.

The decision could clear the path to victory for Democratic state Rep. James Coleman, who got into the SD-33 race in November, while Williams was still a candidate for U.S. Senate. She dropped out of that race on Nov. 27.

“After soul searching, reflection and counseling from my family, I have decided not to seek re-election to the Colorado State Senate,” reads a statement from Williams. “This has been one of the two hardest decisions I have ever had to make, especially with the immense outpouring of support since deciding to suspend my U.S. Senate Campaign.”

Williams would have faced a difficult primary, despite her incumbency in the state Senate, as Coleman weeks ago secured endorsements from many of Williams’ own colleagues.

At this time, she is not endorsing him or anyone else for the seat.

Williams, a northeast Denver Democrat, was the only current elected official in the Senate race, in which she emphasized her experience in the legislature but failed to gain significant traction in a nine-candidate primary led by John Hickenlooper and Andrew Romanoff.

“Unfortunately, even now, as female candidates enjoy a historic level of support from voters, there are still elements of the Democratic Party seeking to promote male candidates at the expense of talented and smart progressive women,” Williams said in a news release.

“Fighting to give women, people of color and the underserved a voice isn’t always easy, especially when faced with strong headwinds from Washington, D.C.,” she added, a reference to the decision by Democrats in the nation’s capital to recruit and endorse Hickenlooper in the race against Republican Sen. Cory Gardner.

Williams, 55, gained headlines for saying the Democratic race wouldn’t “be a coronation” after Hickenlooper’s mid-August entry, and was quick to criticize the former governor’s moderate views. She’s the sixth candidate to drop out since Hickenlooper entered the race after abandoning his presidential bid.

On Twitter Wednesday, Hickenlooper called Williams “a steadfast advocate for small businesses, women, and people of color” and he wished her the best. So did Romanoff, who called Williams a friend who brought to the Senate race “a unique voice, a wealth of experience and a deep commitment to improving the lives of Coloradans.”

Williams will now run for re-election in Senate District 33 in northeast Denver, but victory there is far from guaranteed. Rep. James Coleman, a fellow Democrat, announced in mid-November that he is running for the seat, and quickly amassed endorsement from top Democratic lawmakers, including several of Williams’ Colorado Senate colleagues.

The district is heavily Democratic, likely making the primary race between Williams and Coleman a decisive contest. The two know each other well — — and their primary race promises to be closely watched by Denver politicos.

“I will match my record, with nearly a decade of service fighting for my community, workers, women, the environment and small businesses, against anyone,” Williams said in the news release Friday, without mentioning Coleman. “I look forward to a spirited campaign and to continuing to serve as state senator for the next four years.”

The incumbent, state Sen. Angela Williams, has accused candidate James Coleman of disrespecting her and also criticized the many lawmakers who are quickly lining up to endorse Coleman.

Coleman, currently a state representative serving far northeast Denver, announced Nov. 12 that in 2020 he will run to move up to the state Senate.

On some levels, the announcement was unsurprising: It’s not unusual for ambitious state representatives to seek election to the Senate. What distinguishes Coleman’s situation is that he may be entering into a difficult primary fight against Williams, a fellow Democrat he says he loves and supports.

Williams is running for her party’s nomination to face U.S. Sen Cory Gardner in 2020, but her odds there are long; polling shows former Gov. John Hickenlooper is the favorite in that race. She said she is now weighing whether to shift gears and run for re-election to the statehouse.

She said Coleman showed a lack of respect by not calling her before his announcement.

“I think that what I’m most disappointed in is that Representative Coleman did not counsel me as he decided to enter the state Senate race,” she said.

Coleman maintains he has nothing but respect for Williams. They are both members of the eight-person black caucus in the General Assembly. He has been her constituent and he said he has knocked doors for her campaign.

“I love Angela Williams. Put that on record,” Coleman said.

But Coleman has taken early steps in his campaign that send a clear message about the seriousness of his candidacy. This week he announced endorsements from a third of state Senate Democrats and all but one member of the black caucus.

One member of that caucus, state Rep. Leslie Herod, said that these endorsements do not amount to a repudiation of Williams.

“I would say it’s more of a statement about how people feel about James Coleman,” she said. “He’s one of those people who’s really diplomatic. He brings people together even when there’s caucus issues, and people feel that’s important.”

Williams’ critics at the Capitol often describe her in opposite terms: that she’s a top-down leader who can spark divides in the caucus. Last year Williams and state Sen. Julie Gonzales co-championed a failed bill to repeal the death penalty in Colorado, and , Gonzales said, “Sen. Williams showed a deep disrespect to our colleagues” by rushing the bill’s process.

Gonzales has endorsed Coleman.

It’s still early in the statehouse campaign season, and so it speaks volumes that these Democrats — black caucus members and others, including House Speaker KC Becker — have already taken Coleman’s side.

Williams said she feels these endorsements aren’t appropriate.

“To jump out as early as they did I think was premature,” she said, noting that she will decide by March whether to seek re-election.

Coleman said he means no harm.

“I’ll be very clear: What this race is about is the people of Senate District 33. That����ap not a talking point. I know it sounds like it. But this is the community I was born and raised in my entire life,” he said.

The question between now and then is who, of the nine Democratic candidates remaining, can find their way onto a primary ballot? Last week’s campaign finance disclosures provide some insight.

“I think you start looking at the budget and what decisions you’re going to make” in the autumn months, said , who ran Gov. Jared Polis’ campaign last year.

Senate candidates will need to decide which of two routes they will take to the June ballot. Both can be costly, convoluted and risky. There are no sure bets.

There is the petition route: Gather 1,500 signatures from registered Democrats in each of Colorado’s seven congressional districts. The catch is that a signature can only count once, so many of the signatures collected are later thrown out. It����ap the most expensive route, costing campaigns upward of $200,000 to pay signature gatherers or hire staffers to oversee a crew of signature-gathering volunteers.

“It����ap likely to cost you money and it����ap going to tie up your organization pretty significantly,” said , a Democratic strategist who oversaw Michael Bennet����ap successful 2010 Senate campaign. “It is no small feat to gather those signatures and make sure, absolutely, that you have the right number in every congressional district.”

The other route is through the state party assembly, where a candidate must win 30% of votes. Delegates will be chosen at small, neighborhood caucuses on , followed by county assemblies and then the state assembly in April. At most, three candidates can earn the 30% needed there to place their name on a ballot. It����ap more likely that only one or two candidates will advance that way.

“Petitions are more secure. You know that if you reach a certain number and you’ve verified them, you’re going to be on the ballot, more or less. But there’s a lot of energy for caucuses,” Ridder said.

The Polis campaign went down both routes, a power play that only the strongest of candidates can pull off. Hughes believes John Hickenlooper could achieve that next year. The Hickenlooper campaign did not respond to requests for comment about its path to the ballot.

“I expect we’ll go through the caucuses because that����ap what we’ve always done,” said Andrew Romanoff, Hickenlooper’s top challenger for the Democratic nomination, referring to his past campaigns. “But we haven’t decided and I don’t know that we need to anytime soon.”

Trish Zornio and Stephany Rose Spaulding also expect to try the state assembly approach; Zornio predicts that she and Romanoff have the best odds of landing on a ballot that way. Several candidates, such as state Sen. Angela Williams, have not yet decided which path to take. Lorena Garcia, who has raised comparatively little money, says she’ll take the petition route, a path usually reserved for wealthier campaigns.

“I’m a field organizer, a meet-people-at-the-doors type of person. So I’m going with petitions,” Garcia said. She considers that approach to be more democratic than the state assembly path, which she compares unfavorably to the Electoral College.

To date, only Hickenlooper and Romanoff have shown the fundraising prowess typically needed to collect 10,500 exclusive signatures from across Colorado, Hughes said. He considers it unlikely that most of the nine Democratic candidates end up on a June ballot. The largest amount in recent decades is five — the number of Republicans on the 2016 Senate primary ballot.

“You’ll notice that today is not a debate,” she said. “It is a forum on purpose. The candidates will not be responding directly to each other or attacking or criticizing one another. Instead, they’ll be telling you about themselves.”

Candidates were warned before the event: Do not respond or even talk directly to another candidate. Attack an opponent by name, and you will forfeit your time. Talk only about yourself and your vision. No livestreaming or recording of any kind is allowed.

“We don’t have eight candidates running against each other,” Carroll told the Pueblo crowd Sunday. “We have eight candidates running for a better state and for a better country, to defeat Cory Gardner.”

Colorado Democrats may not acknowledge it, but, literally, they do have eight candidates running against each other. (A ninth, Christopher Milton, has filed to run but has launched no public campaign nor spoken at candidate events.) A majority of those in the race are crying foul on the state party’s anti-competitive forum rules.

In interviews this week, six of the eight candidates who attended the Pueblo forum criticized those rules. Michelle Ferrigno Warren defended them. John Hickenlooper sent a brief statement through a spokesperson and declined to be interviewed.

“It����ap a very pleasant fiction to suggest we’re not running against each other. Clearly one of us will emerge from this contest and take on Cory Gardner,” said Andrew Romanoff, adding, “The rules are silly and largely unenforceable.”

“I strongly prefer debates!” Trish Zornio emailed.

“I think (the rules) are a bit stringent,” said state Sen. Angela Williams, “because we don’t have the opportunity to compare and contrast our views and our policies so that the audience and the people of Colorado can get to know the candidates.”

The party has held three candidate forums so far for this race and has another planned for Oct. 20 in Montrose. The ground rules reflect long-standing party policies and were not tailored to this specific contest. Party staffers declined to be interviewed for this story, and instead emailed a statement defending their approach.

“Our ongoing and consistent goal has been to provide local, in-person forums for communities around the state to meet each of our candidates and learn about their vision to better represent Colorado in the United States Senate,” part of the statement read.

Several candidates said they have talked to party officials about the rules, pushing back on the livestream ban and other restrictions.

Diana Bray said she spoke in June with the party chair, Carroll, who explained the rationale behind the rules.

“What they’re concerned about is that the Republicans will use our voice and use video to manipulate, to have a misrepresentation about what we said. They’re worried about Republican malarkey and interference. That’s how she explained it to me,” Bray said.

Ferrigno Warren appreciates that concern.

“We must remove the cancer of personal attacks and name-calling from our public discourse,” she emailed. “These forums provide that very space.”

Indeed, Republican operatives have been opportunistic in trashing Gardner’s prospective opponents. When the candidates gathered in Denver for a June forum that was filmed — it was organized by Indivisible groups, not by the party — the National Republican Senatorial Committee cut the video and posted highlights set to circus music.

Joanna Rodriguez, a spokeswoman for the NRSC, laughed when asked whether the Colorado Democrats’ rules will do anything to mitigate the GOP’s offensive.

“Regardless of who the candidate is,” she said, “we’re going to be attacking that candidate.”

Colorado Democratic Party spokespeople would not comment on whether the party might change its rules. At the Pueblo forum, Romanoff used his closing remarks to call for a change.

“The way we win this race is to engage more voters,” he told the crowd, as he stood directly in front of Carroll. “I’m glad you came tonight, but I suggest, respectfully, that the party reconsider its ban on broadcasting this event.”

Romanoff was among several candidates who drew a distinction between the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee’s direct interference in this primary — Sen. Chuck Schumer recruited Hickenlooper, and the DSCC has taken steps to promote Hickenlooper at Romanoff’s expense — and the actions of Carroll and the state party.

But were the floodgates opened at the Colorado Democrats’ events, it is a near-certainty that candidates would challenge Hickenlooper — whose name recognition and fundraising are unmatched in the primary — on climate change, among other issues. Romanoff, Bray, Zornio and others have consistently criticized the former governor for his coziness with the fossil fuel industry.

They all, of course, have many ways to get their messages out besides at party forums, as the party noted in its statement. And they’ve gone after Hickenlooper when they’ve had the chance.

“I’ve spent years and years and years protesting Hickenlooper‘s promotion of oil and gas,” Tuesday morning. “No way will I sit by and now watch him pitch himself as (a) climate champion. Nope.”

She and others are hoping the party, at its events, will permit such challenges moving forward.

“This is the only way we can hold each other accountable on the record to our policy plans, our backgrounds and our histories,” Lorena Garcia said. “It’s time to stop censoring candidates.”

Re: “Trump: U.S. is locked, loaded,” Sept. 16 news story

President Donald Trump ran in part on a campaign platform saying the United States would no longer be the policeman of the world. After Saudi Arabia was attacked by rebels, possibly within Yemen, he stated that the U.S. was “locked and loaded” to protect Saudi Arabia.

After our neighbors in the Bahamas were devastated by a hurricane, Trump’s immigration chief said, “The Bahamas is a perfectly legitimate country capable of taking care of their own.” Why is a rich powerful country like Saudi Arabia also not a perfectly legitimate country capable of taking care of itself?

Edward Dranginis, Centennial

Let����ap have a true Dem primary

Re: “Baer latest Dem to leave Senate race,” Sept. 13 news story

John Hickenlooper entered a packed race to become Colorado’s Democratic Senate candidate with premade endorsements from national Democrats like Charles Schumer, a New York senator. The arguments for Hickenlooper boil down to name recognition and a vague notion of electability. All of this makes his entry into the race feel more like a coronation than the democratic process of Coloradans choosing the best representative.

However, there are reasons to think Hickenlooper is not the best person for the job. He is notoriously pro-gas exploitation at a time when most Democrats support legislation to fight climate change, and his experience as an executive does not simply translate into skills that make someone effective in a legislative body such as the Senate.

Further, there are already phenomenal candidates in the race such as Andrew Romanoff (former speaker of the Colorado House) and Angela Williams (Colorado Senate, 33rd District). At a time when most families live paycheck to paycheck, both Williams and Romanoff have outlined a vision for America that addresses inequalities to grow our economy while addressing climate change.

Communicating such a vision was an issue that Hickenlooper struggled with in his presidential campaign, and now in his Senate campaign. Let����ap have a primary so that when Coloradans go to the polls they are casting a vote for someone, and not against Sen. Cory Gardner. Perhaps Hickenlooper is that candidate, or perhaps it is Romanoff or Williams.

Ezra Lencer, Denver

Love your enemies

Being quite liberal, I was a bit hesitant to read a book that my conservative cousin recommended, especially when I realized the author was a well-known conservative. I’m embarrassed that my preconceptions almost kept me from reading it.

The book is “Love Your Enemies: How Decent People Can Save America from the Culture of Contempt,” by Arthur C. Brooks. It is a thought-provoking and important book, and I would urge anyone who is tired, stressed and just plain worn out by the divisiveness in our country to read it. The politics of contempt is toxic, and we need to end it.

Kathy Derrick, Denver

In this southwest Colorado town, the 11 candidates gathered for 90 minutes at a public library, fielding easy questions from a moderator before a full crowd of 200 people. Other attendees were turned away because of fire marshal regulations, according to Colorado Democratic Party organizers.

Saturday’s forum was the first for John Hickenlooper, a former governor who traded the bright lights of presidential debate stages for the soft fluorescent lights of the Durango Public Library when he decided last month to end his nationwide candidacy and run for Senate. Three reporters were in attendance Saturday, unlike the .

Hickenlooper used his time at the microphone to tout his skills at bringing people together. He criticized Republican Sen. Cory Gardner, the Yuma Republican whom Democrats are competing to face, and President Donald Trump but vowed never to attack the other Democrats personally.

When asked about his top policy focus, Hickenlooper pointed to climate change. “It����ap the one challenge we face that threatens humanity,” he said, calling it a bigger threat than nuclear weapons were during the Cold War. “We have to get this country united” on a solution, he said.

Health care and climate change were the top issues for the 11 candidates, who were given broad latitude to answer the moderator’s vague questions. State Sen. Angela Williams said criminal justice reform is a top focus for her because “we have to protect the future of our men, of our black and brown folks in this state.” Lorena Garcia said her premier issue is economic justice.

“Priority issue number one: winning the damn seat,” said Stephany Rose Spaulding. “And take the gavel out of (Senate Majority Leader) Mitch McConnell’s hands.”

The candidates discussed, at times, how best to win Colorado’s 2020 Senate race, addressing an electability question that has hovered over the Senate race since the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee endorsed Hickenlooper soon after his entrance last month.

The DSCC endorsement frustrated several candidates but was mentioned only once Saturday. After a question about campaign finance reform, Spaulding said, “National organizations … are putting their thumbs on the scale of complicated primaries to handpick candidates.”

Several candidates argued the Democratic nominee should be an unabashed progressive who challenges the status quo and excites liberals. Dan Baer argued he is best positioned to win, as someone standing in the middle of status quo moderates and “those who want to burn it all down.”

“Candidates like me are winning across the country for Democrats,” the former ambassador said, referring to his expertise in national security and foreign policy.

“I am the only candidate in this race who has raised more than a million dollars in a quarter. I’ve raised more grassroots dollars than any other candidate in this race. I’m the only candidate with foreign policy experience to go toe to toe with Cory Gardner.”

Several of the candidates expressed their desire that the Democratic nominee be a woman. “We’ve never had a woman win,” Garcia said. “We have never had a queer person from Colorado represent us in the Senate. We have two options here. And we have never had a Latina represent us in the U.S. Senate or Congress. Representation matters.” (Baer is also gay.)

During a dual question about education and the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, Hickenlooper, Alice Madden and Williams said they support reforming TABOR, with Madden and Williams directly throwing their support behind Proposition CC, which would do so.

“I want to make sure this country builds the single finest system of public education on the planet, and that starts by honoring teachers and paying them what they’re worth,” said Andrew Romanoff,  a former Colorado House speaker, in one of the biggest applause lines of the day.

Near the end of the forum, the 11 candidates were asked whether they will support the Democratic nominee for Senate, regardless of who it is. While nearly all indicated they would, their answers varied. Hickenlooper and John Walsh vowed not to attack other Democrats, but several other candidates stressed the importance of displaying policy differences among themselves.

The polite forum had moments of levity as well. An attendee jokingly told an already standing Trish Zornio, who is about 5 feet tall, to stand up. Baer, noting the rainstorm outside, joked that Trump’s weather maps may now include Colorado. Garcia, one of the lesser-known candidates, had the crowd repeat her name aloud before each of her answers.