It isn’t a regional problem —  the three states with the strongest percentage job gains over that period are Nevada, Idaho and Utah, while Texas, Florida and California lead for the number of jobs added.

Nor can a recession be blamed for the poor showing. The U.S. economy is chugging along, and since the early 1990s, Colorado has rarely lost jobs when that is happening.

Yet, Colorado ranks 12th worst in total job losses and 14th worst in percentage job losses since Jan. 2025, according to

It isn’t scraping the bottom of the barrel like West Virginia, Michigan and Ohio. And the unemployment rate remains a manageably low 3.9%.

But for an economy used to being a star athlete, Colorado appears to be hanging out under the bleachers with a different crowd.

“We know this is a critical moment for the state. We have many strengths. But we are facing increasing headwinds,” Rachel Rose, deputy director of the Office of Economic Development and International Trade (OEDIT), told the Colorado Economic Development Commission (EDC) last week.

To address those headwinds, Gov. Jared Polis plans to announce the formation of a new competitiveness council this week involving both public and private partners.

Polis has already directed Rose and OEDIT Executive Director Eve Lieberman, in cooperation with the Colorado Economic Development Council, to host a .

“Our goal is to hear from businesses of every size in every sector in every part of the state. We are working on a grassroots effort,” Lieberman said.

Former Gov. John Hickenlooper’s administration deployed a similar approach under the Colorado Blueprint, holding more than 50 regional working sessions and talking to business leaders and residents in all 64 counties.

Key concerns raised in those sessions included high living costs that deterred employee recruitment, burdensome regulations and new workplace mandates, and infrastructure bottlenecks.

Expect those issues and more to come up again in the current round of meetings in a state that has moved politically from purple in 2011 to solidly blue.

The outreach effort will also try to get at why companies are leaving, and where applicable, what incentives other states provided them.

OEDIT is also working with University of Colorado Boulder’s Leeds Business Research Division to analyze what economic indicators matter most and where Colorado has a competitive advantage, and where it lags behind.

And that information should help inform the competitiveness council.

“This will be very good from the standpoint of having the data and having the policy recommendations ready to go,” said EDC member Chris Frantz, who attended an earlier listening session.

Rankings matter

OEDIT has tracked various rankings since 2012, and they provide a pulse on how the state is doing. For years, they offered bragging rights, until they didn’t.

“Each ranking has its own level of rigor and bias,” Rose said.

For example, Colorado routinely made the top 10 of CNBC’s “America’s Top States for Business” from when it launched in 2007 to 2022, even ranking first in 2011. But this year, .

Items dragging Colorado down were the cost of living, 49th; cost of doing business, 38th; and infrastructure, 32nd. The state continues to lead nationally on technology and innovation, and the quality of its workforce.

“Colorado’s drop in the rankings reinforces what the Chamber’s strategic research has already shown,” Colorado Chamber President and CEO Loren Furman . “Regulatory burdens, housing, rising costs and workforce needs remain key issues affecting the state’s competitiveness.”

But optimists can rally around the U.S. News & World Report “Best States” ranking, which has

That report places more weight on “structural” measures, such as educational attainment, venture capital investment, and productivity.

Those measures indicate that Colorado has a strong foundation for renewed growth, if it can address what has caused it to lag this decade.

The ALEC Economic Outlook Index’s ranks Colorado in 29th place, down sharply from 17th place in 2024 and 2025 and far from its second-place ranking in 2008.

Areas where Colorado ranks lowest are for the share of debt that local governments and state enterprises carry as a share of their revenues, and for its labor laws.

And when it comes to taxes, Colorado ranks 33rd overall with high local sales tax burdens and complex property tax mechanics overcoming a relatively low flat personal and corporate income tax rate, according to the Tax Foundation.

Go small or big?

In April, a coalition of more than 230 business leaders issued a letter warning that Colorado was at risk of losing its reputation as an innovation hub if economic competitiveness and pro-business policies were not prioritized.

The effort was led by Dan Caruso, who heads an organization called Engage Colorado, and it had the support of Polis, who leaves office in five months.

Caruso, in a , said that Colorado now finds itself among the states losing rather than winning when it comes to retaining and attracting employers.

“Losing states don’t view winning businesses as an investment that will provide a substantial return for their state. Instead, they see it as a cost that competes against other budget items,” he said.

By not prioritizing economic development and job creation, business leaders and capital providers may come to view a state as undisciplined in its spending priorities.

Caruso argues Colorado needs to bring bigger economic development incentives to bear if it wants to compete with “winning” states like Texas, and to prioritize more pro-business policies.

“Dangerously and disappointingly, Colorado is following California and New York’s playbook of taking for granted that innovators want to be in their states,” he said.

Michael O’Donnell, executive director of the Prairie Rose Development Corp., said Colorado is losing steam in an area that will never receive the headlines that the departure of Chipotle or Palantir did.

“We have the largest numeric loss in startup activity of any state. We have become a little bit less entrepreneurial than we used to be,” O’Donnell told the commission.

He then corrected himself, saying “a lot” less.

And four months out from the November election, Laubacher, a Democrat, held an eye-popping cash advantage over Colorado’s most well-known member of Congress: $3.6 million to $247,000. That’s according to new federal campaign finance reports filed by their campaigns Wednesday night.

But all that money, which accounts for contributions to and expenditures from each’s campaign coffers as of June 30, may add up to a whole lot of nothing in a district as red as the 4th.

Political observers advise against reading too much into Boebert’s fundraising numbers, which are anemic compared to the state’s other Republican incumbents and to her past races. Two years ago at this time, when Boebert, now 39, was running in the 4th District for the first time, she in the bank after fending off several GOP primary challengers.

In 2022, when she was running for a second term in the more competitive 3rd Congressional District on the Western Slope — before she switched to the 4th — Boebert had in cash on hand entering July, according to Federal Election Commission filings.

Kyle Saunders, a political science professor at Colorado State University, pointed to the nonpartisan , which gives Republicans a massive 9-percentage-point advantage in the 4th District, which covers the state’s Eastern Plains and butts up against the Front Range, taking in Douglas County. Cook rates it solidly Republican this year.

“History shows money alone rarely overcomes a 9-point partisan lean in a midterm or general (election) without a perfect storm, like a national wave, a major scandal or a candidate collapse,” he said. “I’d rate the odds of a flip as quite low — Boebert starts as a strong favorite, barring major shifts.”

Political analyst Floyd Ciruli also cautioned that cash alone may not be able to overcome the reality of the district’s political makeup. Republicans have 100,000-plus more registered voters than Democrats.

“I’m not sure that money is the actual issue in this district,” Ciruli said.

But that doesn’t mean a change at the top can’t happen in Colorado’s sprawling eastern district —  because it has. Betsy Markey represented the district for a single term nearly 20 years ago — the only time a Democrat has won the seat in decades.

A ‘lack of enthusiasm’ for Boebert?

The that Laubacher, 57, has reeled in compared to Boebert’s this election cycle is a substantial spread.

Trying to divine why that fundraising discrepancy exists is tricky, Saunders said, though Laubacher’s haul has benefited from extensive online fundraising appeals asking for help taking on the conservative lightning rod. All that money will expand the opportunities to get her messages in front of voters, including through ads on TV and social media.

She ended up unopposed in the Democratic primary after Trisha Calvarese — who lost to Boebert by 11.6 percentage points in the 2024 race — dropped her repeat bid in late March. Boebert was unopposed in the June 30 primary.

“It may reflect some national GOP donor hesitation tied to her controversies, but in practice, it hasn’t hurt her electorally here,” Saunders said of Boebert, referring to unflattering headlines the congresswoman has generated over the years. “Lack of enthusiasm is possible among moderates, but the district’s partisan composition limits its impact.”

Boebert’s thinner campaign purse can also be explained in more innocuous ways, he said.

“Incumbents in safe seats often don’t need to max out (with each donor); they can rely on name recognition, partisan advantage in the electorate and party infrastructure,” Saunders said.

A spokesman for Boebert’s campaign didn’t respond Thursday to questions sent by The Denver Post.

In other federal races that could prove more competitive, this week’s FEC filings show differing relative money positions.

Fundraising in the El Paso County-based 5th Congressional District has favored Democrat Jessica Killin, who has collected nearly twice as much money as first-term Republican U.S. Rep. Jeff Crank in this cycle. The former U.S. Army captain, who won the Democratic primary, had as of June 30 compared to Crank’s . While the district has long been a Republican stronghold, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee added the 5th to its list of targeted seats in February.

In the 3rd District, Boebert’s successor, Republican U.S. Rep. Jeff Hurd, reported nearly $1.8 million in his account entering July compared to Democratic nominee Dwayne Romero’s $84,200 after Romero won a hard-fought primary.

In Colorado’s most competitive congressional district, U.S. Rep. Gabe Evans, a Republican, had more than six times the cash on hand as his Democratic opponent, Manny Rutinel, as of the end of June. Rutinel had to to spend through November in the race for the 8th Congressional District, which includes northern Denver suburbs and Greeley. But Rutinel had to fend off two Democratic opponents in a very expensive primary.

In Colorado’s U.S. Senate race, incumbent Democrat John Hickenlooper was crushing his Republican opponent, state Sen. Mark Baisley, in the fundraising game despite facing his own primary opponent. Colorado’s junior senator had in his bank account on June 30, compared to for Baisley, who was unopposed in the GOP primary.

In all, Hickenlooper has raised nearly $8.9 million in this election cycle to Baisley’s nearly $105,000. The Cook Political Report rates the Senate race as “solid Democrat.”

Laubacher’s strategy

In the 4th District, Taylor Gillespie, the campaign manager for Laubacher, said raising money was “only one part of building a winning campaign.”

Laubacher, she said, “has spent her entire career putting her life on the line for our country and is running to put a stop to the self-dealing in Washington by putting in place term limits and age limits, banning insider stock trading by politicians and putting a stop to reckless, out-of-control debt.”

Laubacher can pound themes on the campaign trail that are particularly salient to the largely agricultural district, Ciruli said, like high fuel and fertilizer prices in the midst of the U.S. war with Iran and added costs for farmers due to President Donald Trump’s tariffs.

“You have to convince the farmer in Sterling or in Fort Morgan that they’re not getting enough representation and they need to move to a Democrat,” he said.

Saunders said Laubacher would have to execute a “flawless ground game” and target unaffiliated and “soft GOP voters in suburban growth areas” (like Douglas County), “emphasizing her service, moderation and putting people over politics.”

Meanwhile, Trump’s unpopularity in the country on the November ballot. Boebert has created some distance between herself and the president in recent months, criticizing Trump for his veto of a water project that would benefit her district and calling on his administration to release files on sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

But Saunders said Boebert can stray only so far from the White House.

“In a safe district of any partisan flavor, loyalty signals often matter more than policy nuance,” he said. “So, her survival will likely rest on keeping the base fired up without alienating enough suburban and independent voters.”

What an interesting primary election for the Democrats. Name recognition was supposed to give the victory to Sen. Michael Bennet, but it did not. He announced his campaign, saying he could get more done in Colorado than in Washington, D.C. So, I guess the honorable thing to do would be to retire from his Senate seat. Then, in an ironic twist, Phil Weiser could appoint his replacement.

Name recognition, and it would seem, name recognition only, brought victory to Jena Griswold. She’s an attorney with no courtroom or prosecutorial experience. Her future staff in the attorney general’s office are going to have so much fun at staff meetings.

Then there is state Rep. Sean Comacho’s defeat. Sean, we just wanted to know the source of all that dark money. Maybe you should go see Disclosure Day.

Finally, there is U.S. Rep. Diana DeGette’s defeat, which happened due to laziness and complacency. I’m not exactly sad to see DeGette go, but now we have a candidate for November who believes the state of Israel has no right to exist and should not have weapons to defend itself. Melat Kiros seems like a smart person. But if you can’t make a distinction between the government of Israel and its people, maybe not.

James Ronald LaFollette, Denver

Over the years, The Denver Post has run a goodly number of opinions I’ve submitted, and I appreciate it. However, I’ve submitted a few proclaiming my disapproval of the policies and actions of the state of Israel, which is not antisemitic. I harbor no animosity or prejudice against the Jewish faith nor its culture. Not one of those submissions was published.

It would seem the results of the Denver Democratic primary are an indication that I was and am not alone in this persuasion. I am anti-colonialism, as Israel is primarily an Eastern European colony. I am anti-genocide as this is clearly the aim of Israel’s campaign to eliminate both the Palestinian state and its people. Finally, I resent tremendously the use of my tax dollars to not only support but also promote both of the above.

Bill Starks, Arvada

I applaud The Denver Post Open Forum for its wisdom in selecting the op ed of Vivian Weinstein of Denver on the June 27 opinion page. Werinstein and I are both of the Jewish faith and support Melat Kiros, Colorado Democrat candidate for the upcoming midterm House seat long held by Diane DeGette. Having experienced genocide waged against her Ethiopian family, Melat Kiros has expressed sympathy for the Palestinians of Gaza.

To be sure, the thugs of Hamas and Hezbollah committed a horrific massacre of young Jewish civilians enjoying a music festival on October 7, 2023. Israeli Jews had every right to retaliate with great force. But what has followed has been nothing short of an all-out genocide against Gazan and Lebanese civilians.

Democratically elected Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu no doubt considers himself a peaceful leader, but he has waged brutal aggression against his perceived enemies on the West Bank and many parts of the Middle East. His aggression continues to this day. He is, in fact, an autocrat.

Netanyahu acts like a king, as does U.S. President Donald Trump. The two of them teamed up to bomb Iran in a war that, by all accounts, has been a dismal failure. War must necessarily be the last resort. Displaying humanity must be a moral imperative among the world’s leaders. But because of Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu, I find that in my old age, I am embarrassed to be a Jewish American. We must do better. We must not tolerate Kings.

Barry Sharcot, Denver

I feel sad for Michael Bennet that he doesn’t get to come home to Colorado yet, but we still need him in Washington. I believe Weiser is best in tune to Colorado’s local needs, and Michael has been a great advocate for Colorado for many years.

Unlike much of the outside funding of other campaigns, I suspect a lot of Michael’s reflected the respect he has from other parts of the country, especially the western states.

Thank you, Bennet.

Gail Ryan, Lakewood

To Monica Duran, Joe Neguse, Jason Crow, and Britany Pettersen,

I was disappointed in you all and never understood your support for Michael Bennet. That said, please take note that Corporate Democrats who are supported by billionaire-funded Super PACs, which run disparaging campaigns against the people’s democratic candidates, are no longer winning in Colorado.

Louis Kolker, Lakewood

I voted for Julie Gonzalez for U.S. Senate in the June primary because I don’t believe that John Hickenlooper has the qualities that will be needed to meet the challenges that face our country in the years ahead. Democrats need a fighter, not a compromiser, to deal with Trump and the MAGA Republicans in Congress.

We need universal healthcare, but Hickenlooper is opposed to Medicare for All. He has a history of voting for Trump nominees. He’s too old (and I’m 79). I hope he will learn the right lessons from his pathetic 53% to 47% “victory” on Tuesday. People are sick and tired of politics as usual. So, if he wants to leave a meaningful legacy for his time in the Senate, I suggest that he scrap his centrist tendencies and concentrate his efforts on making the future brighter for our children and grandchildren.

Mike Dubrovich, Parker

The cost of wolves to ranchers is far more than just a number on paper

���:��“What’s really killing cattle in Colorado,” June 28, guest commentary.

Erik MMolvar’scolumn on the impact of the reintroduction of wolves in Colorado makes the point that the losses ranchers suffer due to those wolves are relatively minor in terms of the losses from other causes. I assume that Molvar hopes readers conclude that complaints about wolves are overblown.

However, my conclusion is that raising cattle is fraught with risks, and the presence of wolves has added yet another risk to ranching. Like all of agriculture, ranching is a risky but necessary industry subject to many variables outside of anyone’s control, stretching from weather to selling in a market that sets prices regardless of the costs incurred. Wolves add to the risks, minor or otherwise, and impact the profitability of ranching.

While the sstate’scompensation helps, I doubt that it fully compensates for the additional costs of having wolves in the environment. For example, does the compensation include a value for the time needed to go through the claim process rather than attending to other tasks or the extra diligence expended to minimize the losses? My observation is from the perspective of someone who has lived his life in urban and suburban areas and never worked in ranching or farming.

Shawn Thompson, Denver

1stBank to PNC transition has been rough

���:��“Rebrand sparks outcry,” “June 27, news story.

I’m one of the 1stBank customers leaving PNC. I’ve been a 1stBank client since 1985. Their customer service was always fantastic. After the merger was announced, PNC sent me a self-praising letter promising customer service as good or better than 1stBank. We shall see, I thought.

Next, I read they are laying off almost 800 of their Colorado employees. Then, I get a thick transition letter with a task list for me, with a list of deadlines. I didn’t ask for this, and I’m not your employee, so why am I doing your work for you? Concerned about a direct deposit, I needed PNC customer service. In the transition letter to Coloradans, customer service hours were given in Eastern Time because not a single person in this national bank could take the five seconds required to translate Eastern Time to Mountain Time. Rude.

Anyway, I called the customer service number printed on the transition letter. After 30 minutes on hold, I was told, “We are not allowed to answer transition questions. Here’s the number for that.” Put on hold again. I’m moving my accounts to Bank of Colorado.

Joan Jacobson, Lakewood

A bright spot in the blight of gambling

“Howsports betting became Colorado’s ticket to funding $140 million in water conservation projects,” June 18, news story.

Thank you for your coverage of the conservation projects that are funded by sports betting. I did not realize there was a bright spot in this cancerous activity that has become so popular.

C. Greenman, Lakewood

To send a letter to the editor about this article, submit online or check out our guidelines for how to submit by email or mail.

It was a phone call that secured her support — and not even one that Lang received herself. She’d met someone at a May Day labor rally who had a transgender child. The otherwise stranger told Lang about calling the Colorado Attorney General’s Office to express worry about the Trump administration’s for children like hers.

Weiser — the elected attorney general since 2019 — responded, Lang said, by calling that constituent personally to promise he would use his office to protect those rights.

“That’s an example of governing — it’s not about political power, it����ap about being here to serve the people,” said Lang, a 37-year-old Denverite. “That really spoke volumes to me.”

Voters like her helped propel Weiser, 58, to a stunning victory on Tuesday over U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet — a man who had previously won three statewide elections by ever-increasing margins, lined up a who’s who of Democratic endorsements before his campaign even launched, benefited from $11.4 million in super PAC support backing his candidacy, and enjoyed, polls long showed, a massive edge in name recognition.

But Bennet’s advantages didn’t always break through to voters — and there were also harder-to-gauge intangible factors that can vary from voter to voter, like which candidate comes across as more personable or more trustworthy.

Lang said she read the news daily, particularly after Donald Trump’s victory in the 2024 presidential election “catalyzed” her. She knew Weiser had sued the Trump administration repeatedly; she couldn’t place Bennet or what he had done.

The surprise delivered by Tuesday night’s primary result wasn’t necessarily Weiser’s victory itself. He had campaigned himself into striking distance in the final month of the race, while Bennet����ap support seemed calcified. Most political observers, by then, saw a world where either man could become the Democratic nominee.

The surprise was the thoroughness of Weiser’s victory — more than 13 percentage points as of Thursday evening, with most ballot-counting complete.

“Weiser ran an amazing campaign,” Colorado State University political science professor Kyle Saunders said. “He didn’t have the name recognition six months ago. He didn’t have the backing. And this wasn’t some squeaker you can explain away with turnout.

“There’s no doubt, to my eye, that Weiser was helped by anti-incumbent sentiment. But this was a shellacking.”

‘Discontent among the Democratic base’

From the time Bennet announced he was running in April 2025, three months after Weiser entered the race, the senator was dogged by questions about why he’d want to leave Washington, D.C. — and why he needed to give up one of the most powerful political positions in the country to make a difference for Colorado.

While not a true incumbent, Bennet nonetheless faced the drag of an anti-incumbent year as he sought another office.

And now, instead of being able to move back to Colorado full time, Bennet will remain in Washington, with more than two years left in his Senate term — while Weiser faces the Republican nominee who emerges from a primary race that was, as of late Thursday, still too close to call. In increasingly blue Colorado, the Democrat will go into the fall general election campaign as a heavy favorite.

A pair of polls by the bipartisan Colorado Polling Institute, from September and April, pointed to that broader discontent with incumbents, especially among Democrats frustrated with the Trump administration — and with what their elected officials were doing to fight it.

The April poll found Bennet’s favorability among Coloradans had dropped from the prior year’s poll results, from 45% to 40%. His unfavorable rating had risen, from 31% to 39%.

“CPI had been picking up on discontent among the Democratic base throughout the past year, and the primary became the release valve,” said Kevin Ingham, a principal from the Democratic polling firm Aspect Strategic, which works with CPI. “Every race is different, but the data was all pointing towards a uniquely difficult environment for any longtime Democratic incumbent.”

That sentiment was apparently most stark in Denver. Voters in the Democratic primary there ousted longtime U.S. Rep. Diana DeGette in favor of attorney Melat Kiros, a 29-year-old democratic socialist who’s now the nominee. Denver was also where Weiser did best, winning almost two votes for each one cast for Bennet. And it’s where Bennet’s Senate counterpart, U.S. Sen. John Hickenlooper — who still won the Democratic nomination for reelection Tuesday — trailed his challenger, liberal state Sen. Julie Gonzales, by nearly 9 percentage points.

Map: Who’s leading in the Colorado primary race for governor?

Amy Kenreich, a 46-year-old Denverite, said she saw Weiser as more progressive overall than Bennet, with values that she shared. But as much as she supported Weiser, she was driven just as much by an antipathy for Bennet that stretched back to his time running Denver Public Schools nearly 20 years ago.

She accused him of using his time there to bring “the privatization movement to education in Denver,” and she saw him as likely to do the same as governor.

The flood of outside money into the race, including $5 million from New York City billionaire Michael Bloomberg to support Bennet, only reinforced that feeling.

"Once people understand what's going on, see what's going on, it's disgusting — and they're outraged,” Kenreich said. “People are more likely to take action if they're angry about something, and they're angry about billionaire influence for sure."

Making personal connections

Danielle Varda, an Arvada volunteer for Weiser’s campaign and a Democratic candidate for the Colorado House of Representatives, said she saw the election as a rejection of an "ivory tower of election-knowers.”

“We just saw how slick your mailer is, and how many go out," Varda said. "It����ap the difference between authenticity and a gimmick. I think Bennet was relying on the machine, the way everyone tells you you’re supposed to do it. And times are just changing.”

She contrasted that with Weiser. She described him as someone who, “when he meets people, he looks them in the eye and remembers their name.”

Varda had her own moment like that about a year ago. Weiser had already made it clear he wouldn’t issue endorsements in state House races. But when they both attended an event, he made sure to talk with her and get her phone number.

“He made that one little personal connection, and I felt seen,” Varda said. “I felt like he cared who I was. … If you multiply that by a million, that����ap Phil Weiser.”

From there, the two politicians' networks overlapped. Varda didn’t have an opponent in the primary, having won out at the local assembly, but that moment with Weiser motivated her to use her connections to campaign on his behalf.

She recalled meeting with Democratic groups in Golden — typically thought of as a more moderate enclave of metro Denver, Varda said — and found people eager for a fighter. Weiser would go on to win Jefferson County with 57% of the vote.

Bennet declined media interviews after a show-of-unity Democratic Party event on Thursday that drew many candidates and officials. But during a speech congratulating Weiser (and after chuckling about Weiser’s unofficial slogan: “Phil Weiser for governor; Michael Bennet for Senate"), he praised his opponent����ap work.

“It����ap hard to start in the position Phil was in, and knock on every door and make those calls and get out to every single community and win this race,” Bennet said. “I was amazed to watch the work that he did and to see the loyalty of the team that he built all over the state of Colorado, from the very beginning.”

Weiser, for his part, emphasized lessons he learned from past governors, including Roy Romer and Hickenlooper, and from former U.S. Rep. Ed Perlmutter.

“If you’re knocking on doors, you’re there to listen and learn,” Weiser said. “... You shake every hand. You honor every voter. You’re there to serve, and you do it with a smile because this work is about the people of Colorado."

The most nationally resonating story of the night was the final one, where attorney Melat Kiros, a self-described democratic socialist, beat out 15-term U.S. Rep. Diana DeGette after mounting an insurgent campaign for the Denver seat.

But it also subverted many Democrats’ expectations when Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser handily beat Sen. Michael Bennet in the nomination race for governor. The better-known Bennet, who had won three statewide Senate races, entered the primary last year with an avalanche of support from the Democratic establishment.

Colorado election results for the 2026 primary

And Sen. John Hickenlooper, who secured the party’s nomination for a second term, was winning by less than 10 percentage points as of Wednesday afternoon — despite outraising challenger Julie Gonzales, a state senator, almost 10-to-1. In Denver, both candidates’ home turf, Hickenlooper was trailing Gonzales, revealing some voter dissatisfaction.

Here are major takeaways from Tuesday’s primaries.

Voters seek fighters

In the Democrats’ race for governor, Weiser credited his win to an electorate that wanted politicians who are authentic — and willing to fight for them. Central to his campaign was also the dozens of lawsuits he’d filed or joined against the Trump administration.

“For over a year, the establishment, pundits and so many others said this wouldn’t be a race at all — it would be a coronation,” Weiser said, referring to the underdog status he had through much of the race. “They counted us out, and they underestimated all of you.”

Meanwhile, Bennet and DeGette — neither of whom had faced real primary threats in recent reelections, despite occasional challengers to DeGette — will likely look back at their losses and kick themselves for not taking these challengers more seriously before it was too late.

Bennet all but cleared what was expected to be a crowded primary field just by announcing he wanted the governor’s office just over a year ago. But then Weiser seemed to out-hustle Bennet.

Kiros, meanwhile, out-organized DeGette. She wasn’t even alive when DeGette first entered office, but she nearly kept the longtime fixture of Denver political life off the primary ballot entirely. That prompted a campaign reshuffle, but there wasn’t enough of a shift for DeGette to beat an opponent backed by extensive — and dedicated — grassroots organizing.

“Tonight, Denver voters of all ages, all races, all religions sent a clear message: We will not wait,” Kiros said during her victory speech to supporters. “We will not wait to bring the fight to (President) Donald Trump and the oligarchy. We will not wait to demand that Congress abolish ICE and pass Medicare for All. We will not wait to end the politics of the past. To get big money out of our elections. To reject corporate PACs and AIPAC (the American Israel Public Affairs Committee). And no, we will not wait to end the genocide in Gaza.”

Progressives win up and down the ballot

A slew of other progressive — or at least anti-incumbent — Democratic wins were playing out further down the ballot.

Several farther-left statehouse candidates in Denver and the surrounding suburbs beat their more moderate opponents. Rep. Sean Camacho, who represents east Denver and is the co-chair of the moderate Opportunity Caucus, lost to progressive challenger Iris Halpern. Chela Garcia Irlando whalloped Andres Carrera for a soon-to-be-vacant Senate seat representing downtown and northwest Denver.

A network of outside groups tied to the dark-money group One Main Street spent more than $3 million on several primary races this year. But they lost in several that were opposed by progressive and labor groups, including in One Main Street����ap efforts to oust incumbent Democratic Reps. Kenny Nguyen and Jamie Jackson.

Even Gabriel Cervantes, who had received little financial help after controversial social media posts came to light, won his primary challenge against another Opportunity Caucus member, Thornton Rep. Jacque Phillips.

In Colorado's battleground congressional district — the 8th, which includes north suburbs — the farther-left candidate prevailed in the Democratic primary. Though the dynamics were a little different from the state legislative races, Manny Rutinel, a state representative, defeated former lawmaker Shannon Bird after progressive groups tended to back Rutinel.

Big money has a tough night

It was a bad night for big money.

The dark-money spending in statehouse primaries — which had propelled moderate candidates to wins two years ago — appeared to bear little fruit across metro Denver. Republican gubernatorial candidate Victor Marx, who raised and spent more than his two GOP opponents combined, was narrowly leading state Sen. Barb Kirkmeyer by Wednesday evening but had trailed for all of Tuesday night and most of the day Wednesday. That race has not yet been called.

While Weiser raised more direct cash in the Democratic race, Bennet was backed by a deep-pocketed outside group that raised an eye-watering $11.4 million, almost half of which came from New York City billionaire Michael Bloomberg. As DeGette’s situation grew more perilous in recent weeks, vast sums of outside money poured in to prop her up, too.

And ultimately, little of it seemed to matter.

To be clear, the winners — or, in some cases, apparent winners — spent vast fortunes, too. But the money backing Weiser, Kiros and progressive statehouse candidates was often more transparent in its origins, mostly given directly to the candidates and less extensive in its spending.

Unaffiliated voters break blue — hard

Colorado’s unaffiliated voters, who make up more than half of the total electorate, returned more than twice as many Democratic primary ballots as they did GOP ballots. (In Colorado's system, they receive both in the mail, but can vote only one of them.)

Whether that means these independents all lean left or were simply more enticed by a ballot with more competitive races than the Republican contests offered is yet to be seen — but it proves the bloc is a potent one.

Map: Who’s leading in the Colorado primary race for governor?

Colorado’s automatic voter registration system defaults to an unaffiliated registration, meaning voters need to take an extra step to declare as a Democrat, Republican or member of another party. The open primary system also disincentivizes them to register with a party. In short, the lack of party affiliation doesn’t mean those voters lack a political preference or are middle of the road — but it does mean campaigns have to work harder to identify those who will pull primary ballots.

Overall, the Colorado Secretary of State's Office reported that 1.47 million ballots had been returned statewide as of noon Thursday, a number that could still rise as clerks continue processing ballots. That amounted to about 36% of active voters, or nearly 32% of all registered voters.

Battle for direction of GOP still too close to call

While Colorado’s Democratic voters bucked some of their party’s standard-bearers Tuesday night, Republicans were still locked in a fight over the immediate future of their party.

Until early Wednesday evening, Kirkmeyer, perhaps the most high-profile and well-respected Republican in deep-blue Colorado, had narrowly held off an outsider challenge by Marx, a nonprofit leader who outraised and outspent Kirkmeyer. But as new results were uploaded by multiple counties, Marx took a narrow lead. The outcome was still unclear (check the latest results here), and state Rep. Scott Bottoms, a pastor, in some ways competed with Marx for far-right voters' support. (He'd won about half as many votes as either of the other two candidates.)

But Kirkmeyer's competitiveness bucked expectations, both from Marx and some in the more traditional GOP operative space, that Marx would easily win. And it also showed that the battle over the battered, broke and beleaguered Colorado GOP — one waged between the more establishment, moderate faction and the right-wing and grassroots elements — was far from settled.

Colorado election results for the 2026 primary by county

Conservative political observers saw the GOP primary as more than just a fight between candidates. It represented an existential contest for the future of the party. Kirkmeyer brought decades of experience, along with a deep knowledge of the state budget and the inner workings of the state Capitol.

Dick Wadhams, who ran the campaign for the only Republican to win the governor’s office over the past 50 years, warned earlier in the race that Kirkmeyer was the only GOP candidate who could keep a general election debate with the Democratic nominee grounded in policy, rather than conspiracy theories or questions about a larger-than-life biography.

A win for her in the primary wouldn't necessarily portend a win in November, especially with Colorado trending steadily blue over the past decade. But it would mean the best chance for Republicans up and down the ballot to avert getting wiped out by voters who want serious leadership in the state, according to Wadhams, a Kirkmeyer supporter.

“This governor’s race is going to help answer the question, ‘Is this party serious or not?’ ” Wadhams said ahead of the primary.

Staff writers Elliott Wenzler and John Aguilar contributed to this story.

The Associated Press for Hickenlooper, who had 57% of the votes with nearly 78% of the votes counted. That margin continued to hold at 9:30 p.m. with 84% of the votes counted.

“Democrats are united,” Hickenlooper told supporters gathered in Denver at Steuben’s. “We are going to take back the U.S. Senate, we are going to take back the House. We are going to stop President Trump in his tracks.”

Hickenlooper, a pro-business centrist, pivoted to the left, at least in his campaign messaging, highlighting his work to expand healthcare access, boost housing affordability, cut environmental emissions and overhaul ICE.

Colorado election results for the 2026 primary

Gonzales, who declined corporate campaign contributions, had labeled herself as part of a new generation of Democrats looking to oust what she described as "do-nothing" incumbents backed by billionaires.

A community organizer and immigrant advocate, Gonzales graduated from Yale University in 2005 and was elected to the Colorado State Senate in 2018, where she currently serves as Majority Whip.

Among her key issues were reforming the immigration system and eliminating ICE; providing universal childcare, elder care and Medicare coverage; and protecting voter rights.

"The fight -- for an economy that works for us, a democracy that includes us, and a future that belongs to us -- continues," Gonzales wrote in a .

Progressives and democratic socialists had a strong showing in New York's primaries on June 23, where they swept deeper-pocketed rivals with a fraction of the financial support.

Named after New York mayor Zohran Mamdani, a social democrat, the Mamdani movement has found success mobilizing younger voters and tapping into working-class economic anxieties.

Gonzales raised only a tenth of the campaign finances that Hickenlooper had, according to public records. And Hickenlooper declined requests for a debate.

By highlighting his progressive accomplishments while at the same time staying true to his centrist leanings, Hickenlooper was able to successfully thread the needle.

Hickenlooper and Gonzales split the vote in Denver, the home base of each candidate. Hickenlooper, however, maintained a double-digit lead across most of the rest of the state, except for Adams County and some counties in southern Colorado, where his lead was in the single digits.

After two terms as Colorado governor, Hickenlooper had statewide name recognition in his favor. And he has championed rural causes during his first term in the Senate, noted Ken Salazar, a former U.S. Senator who spoke in support of Hickenlooper Tuesday night.

In his 2020 presidential run, he opposed "Medicare for All" and a national fracking ban, causes that Gonzales champions.

Among the groups that endorsed Hickenlooper are End Citizens United, League of Conservation Voters, Planned Parenthood Action Fund, and the Greater Metro Denver Ministerial Alliance.

Gonzales received endorsements from Oil Change Action, the Jane Fonda Climate PAC, GenZ for Change and Faith in Colorado.

Labor unions divided up their support among the two candidates.

The winner of Tuesday's primary will face Mark Baisley, the de facto Republican nominee who ran unopposed.

A Colorado Republican has not held a Senate seat since Hickenlooper defeated Cory Gardner in the 2020 election.

Three days later, on Monday — the eve of today’s primary election — Attorney General Phil Weiser, his Democratic rival for governor, looked at his similarly sized group of volunteers in north Denver and shared a similar urging: “Until we’re across the finish line, this race is in the balance.”

Today, at 7 p.m., marks that finish line.

Voters across Colorado are set to decide a slew of nominating contests up and down the Democratic and Republican primary ballots, bringing to a close weeks of TV ads, mailboxes overstuffed with campaign literature, and (especially if they’re one of the fabled undecided likely voters) door knocking and phone calls.

Tonight — or, in the event of a close race, when ballot processing wraps up in the coming days — either Weiser or Bennet will emerge from a yearlong political battle as the Democratic nominee for governor. On the Republican side, voters will give the nod to either state Rep. Scott Bottoms, state Sen. Barb Kirkmeyer or self-described high-risk humanitarian Victor Marx to represent the GOP at the top of the ticket.

Colorado voter guide: Stories and explainers for the 2026 primary election

Primary voters will set the stage for the first open race for Colorado’s top elected position since Gov. Jared Polis won it in 2018. And along the way, they'll also decide the fates of a slew of other candidates, particularly on the Democratic side.

Longtime Democratic figures U.S. Sen. John Hickenlooper and U.S. Rep. Diana DeGette each face primary challenges from a new generation of Democrats. Upset bids by state Sen. Julie Gonzales, who is facing Hickenlooper, and congressional hopeful Melat Kiros, a democratic socialist who's the leading challenger to DeGette, the highest-profile primary races in the country.

Democrats Shannon Bird and Manny Rutinel, former colleagues in the state House of Representatives, are squaring off for the chance to challenge U.S. Rep. Gabe Evans in the 8th Congressional District — one of the most competitive districts in the country and one that could swing the balance of power in Congress this November.

In other races, Jefferson County Clerk Amanda Gonzalez and state Sen. Jessie Danielson are vying for the Democratic nomination for secretary of state. Former federal prosecutor Hetal Doshi, Boulder County District Attorney Michael Dougherty, Secretary of State Jena Griswold and public interest attorney David Seligman are doing the same for attorney general. Both offices are open because of term limits.

Voters in the Republican primary will decide if El Paso County District Attorney Michael Allen or attorney David Willson wins the GOP nomination for attorney general.

Dozens more primaries for state legislative seats, other congressional races and more will be decided across the state.

But none of the races have earned the sustained attention, or the money, of the Democratic primary for governor.

Democratic primary draws $23 million

Democrats have won every general election for governor for more than 50 years, excepting Gov. Bill Owens' wins in 1998 and 2002. The total spending in this year's primary contest between Bennet and Weiser, at nearly $23 million, dwarfs that in the GOP race.

Recent polling showed sizeable support for each man, though 1 in 5 likely Democratic voters still hadn’t made up their minds and neither candidate cracked the 50% he’d need to win the contest.

“I think any candidate who’s any good should treat every race like it����ap a tough race,” Bennet said.

Bennet����ap entrance into the race in April 2025 landed like a meteor, clearing out several rumored candidates. His impact was emphasized by a laundry list of endorsements from Democratic stalwarts.

He’s won three statewide elections as a U.S. senator, each by a wider margin than the last. He touts Washington, D.C., experience that includes wins on public lands and a poverty-busting, though temporary, expansion of the federal Child Tax Credit. And before that, he highlights his time as superintendent of Denver Public Schools and in business working on corporate mergers for Phil Anschutz.

“I really do think we can stitch ourselves together, as Coloradans, to address the fundamental challenges that we’re facing,” Bennet said in an interview, citing concerns about water and fire and the rising costs of insurance and health care.

But Bennet also struck an existential note, one bigger than just his election.

“I think that we can demonstrate that our democracy can still work,” he added.

Weiser, in his pre-election pep speech to volunteers Monday, acknowledged head-on that many pundits and political observers said Bennet had the race in the bag from the moment the three-term senator decided to head home.

Weiser countered that he’d spent eight years lawyering for the state in a political career that started with a 5,000-vote win in the 2018 Democratic primary for attorney general. He has argued that experience helped him understand the ins and outs of governing, from enforcement to working with legislators to setting up and executing programs.

Even before Bennet announced his campaign, when most political observers expected a three- or four-person race for the Democratic nomination, Weiser said he had settled on running a race on his terms.

But in the closing hours of the primary, he also embraced the insurgent nature of his campaign.

That footing would be unexpected of most two-term attorneys general looking for higher office, but not when pitted against one of the most well-known political figures in the state — and, as Weiser hammered, against a campaign backed by gobs of outside money and a network built over nearly 20 years in Washington. (If Bennet loses, he'll have more than two years remaining in his Senate term.)

“We’re gonna win,” Weiser said. “And what I believe it����ap gonna say is that the electorate is looking for people that they know are fighting for them, who they can trust as authentic leaders, and that establishment — I call it BS — cynical politics turns them off. That����ap an important lesson for people to take on board.”

The Rev. Edward Nalwamba, 78, was arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents on September 18, according to ICE arrest records. He is scheduled to be deported to Uganda as early as Tuesday. Nalwamba does not have permanent legal status in the United States and was told by ICE late last summer to leave the country.

His supporters had initially expected him to be transferred early Monday morning from the ICE detention center in Aurora prior to his flight out of the country. But one of his attorneys, Joy Athanasiou, said he had still not been moved as of late Monday morning.

Nalwamba has been in detention since his arrest more than nine months ago, when he was picked up on his way to care for a disabled person, said the Rev. Phil Eberhart. Eberhart leads Resurrection Anglican Fellowship, the Greenwood Village church where Nalwamba had worked prior to this retirement.

Nalwamba developed pneumonia late last year and was found unconscious by other detainees, Eberhart said. He has not tolerated the detention center’s food and lost 20 pounds during a two-week stretch in December. He now relies on a wheelchair and has developed what appears to be another respiratory infection, Eberhart said.

“He was strong and able to do everything for himself when he went in in September,” Eberhart said. “And he’s no longer strong, at all.”

Eberhart, who led a prayer vigil for Nalwamba outside the detention center Saturday, said Nalwamba “is resigned to the will of God.”

A message sent to ICE representatives on Monday was not returned.

Eberhart and others said they were afraid that Nalwamba would be arrested or persecuted if he’s returned to Uganda.

Nalwamba came to the United States for a religious conference in January 2002, then stayed in the country after friends in Uganda urged him not to return, . He’d run afoul of government authorities in Uganda, which has been led by President Yoweri Museveni for the past 40 years. He was warned to “stop making political statements in public” and to stop being a “stumbling block.”

While applying for asylum more than 15 years ago, Nalwamba told U.S. immigration authorities about an incident earlier back home when Ugandan officials had come to his church and told him that he should direct his congregation to vote for Museveni. He refused and was subsequently kidnapped twice by government authorities.

Eberhart said that, several years ago, he spoke with Nalwamba’s daughter, who was visited at her university by Ugandan officials asking about her father’s whereabouts.

U.S. authorities denied Nalwamba’s application for asylum, along with an appeal, because of what Eberhart and others called poor legal representation.

Nalwamba was initially arrested because of his immigration status in 2010 and held for several months in Colorado Springs, Eberthart said. He was released under an order of supervision the next year, requiring regular check-ins with immigration authorities.

Eberhart said he’s been in contact with the Anglican church in Uganda so that church officials could try to be present when Nalwamba’s plane lands.

“He may never appear in public anyway, if they’re true to their form,” Eberhart said after a press conference organized Sunday at the church. “It’s Africa.”

“Well, and it’s America, today, that’s sending him into that,” replied Patty Werner, who had attended the event with her daughter, Wendy. They’d met Nalwamba in 2010, and he’d written them letters when he was first detained.

A few weeks after they met, Wendy was hospitalized after falling out of tree, and Nalwamba came to visit her. Patty Werner held a cardboard sign Sunday that included a pasted photo of him sitting by Wendy’s hospital bed.

After his 2011 release, Nalwamba still did not obtain permanent legal status but was allowed to continue living in the U.S. — until his arrest in September.

“The government has every legal right to take the actions it’s taken,” David Simmons, another of Nalwamba’s attorneys, told the church gathering Sunday. “That doesn’t mean they’re right — just like slavery was legal but is no longer recognized as something that was either moral or the right thing to do.

“We can’t say the government is legally wrong. What we’re asking the government to do is … exercise discretion in his favor, recognize that he’s been here for 25 years, recognize that he has significant ties to the community and recognize that if he’s returned to Uganda, his life or his freedom — or both — will be endangered.”

Nalwamba’s detention has shaken a group of supporters who have come to know Nalwamba over the past two decades — and has launched a flurry of last-ditch efforts to try to secure his release before he’s deported.

U.S. Sen. John Hickenlooper met with Nalwamba in the detention center Sunday and said in a statement that he was doing “everything we can to press this administration to pause his deportation.”

Nalwamba’s attorneys have filed an emergency request with a federal immigration appeals court to halt his removal; a prior attempt to secure his immediate release was rejected by a federal judge because of his imminent deportation. Given the Trump administration’s extensive efforts to arrest and deport as many immigrants without legal status as possible, Simmons acknowledged that the kind of discretion they were seeking was “fairly rare.”

After Sunday’s press conference at the church, congregants strategized on how and when to call the White House.

Jim and Pam Horner, with whom Nalwamba lived after his first arrest, said they learned of his latest detention when they tried to call him in early November for his birthday. They described him as an optimistic, spiritual man who constantly sang religious songs. He had weathered his time in a jail in Colorado Springs well, they said, because he could talk to other inmates about religion.

He’d been hopeful in November and early December that he would be released by Christmas, Pam Horner said. When Jim Horner returned for another visit shortly after, Nalwamba was sick and growing weaker.

“It is just so disillusioning, as an American, that we would treat people this way (who have) the character of Edward,” Jim Horner said. “Twenty-five years later, you’re going to show no grace, no mercy, no compassion?”

John Hickenlooper has had a storied political career. But if he wins the Democratic Party’s primary, is re-elected in November, and serves a full second term, he will be 80 years old by the end. If Diana DeGette (Colorado House District 1) follows a similar path, she will be 70 when her next term expires.

As a “Boomer,” whose age falls between these two candidates, I recognize that my mental faculties are not what they were a decade ago — and that they will only decline. We have also seen the electoral consequences of ignoring this with President Joe Biden.

Of course, age should not be the only criterion that a voter uses when evaluating the suitability of a candidate, but it should be considered. Especially since the generational differences between the Boomers and everyone younger are so stark.

If the Democrats have any aspirations to be the party of the future, they will need candidates who have a similar lived experience with younger voters.

An additional problem is that people often fail to recognize their own diminished capacity. And because most House and Senate seats are “safe,” many incumbents end up with seats for life.

Politicians who hold national office, even more so than athletes, are loath to retire for the simple reason that they will instantly go from being a “somebody” to becoming a “nobody.” Quick, who was the previous Speaker of the House?

So it is up to primary voters to ease older candidates out of office if this is warranted. There are many talented younger candidates on the Democrats’ primary ballot. Perhaps you should choose one. I have.

Guy Wroble, Denver

Michael Bennet for governor

In the Democratic primary for governor, we will be casting our votes for Michael Bennet for three reasons.

First, Michael’s career is marked by experience that will be essential for our next governor. He has been a successful businessman, led the Denver public schools through a precarious period, and now serves as Colorado’s respected U.S. Senator. This experience puts him miles ahead of other candidates.

Second, his life has been one of acting with veracity and honesty, two traits that underscore his proven record of personal integrity.

Finally, he is a committed advocate for moving all regions of our state ahead. No matter the stage in his professional career, he has demonstrated time and again that making Colorado the greatest place in America to raise a family — through affordability, excellent education, and protecting our public lands — is a number-one priority.

In many ways, Michael Bennet is a “throwback” to how political leaders used to behave and must behave again if we are to navigate the onslaught of revenge that Donald Trump seeks to wreak on our beloved state.

Michael Bennet. Experience. Integrity. Commitment. He is our choice for the Democratic primary and our next governor.

Don and Jan Smith, Denver

Scott Bottoms for governor

As an independent voter, I tire of being ignored by the two monopoly parties, so when I sent out questions to the governor candidates and received only one reply, which was from Scott Bottoms, he got my vote for governor. And though I don’t agree with him on many issues, at least he’s willing to listen and engage with voters — even those of us who don’t agree with him.

Candidates who can’t or won’t engage with us are telling us that they are inefficient or too busy and important. It����ap going to take innovative thinking to figure out how to engage and represent so many diverse voters, all constitutionally promised equality under the law, which includes minority rights under majority rule. If candidates don’t have the wherewithal to listen to us, then there is no way they can represent us.

Bottoms gets my vote because he is the only candidate who is respectful enough to engage with those of us whom he will represent as governor, even those of us with whom he disagrees. At least he listens before disagreeing or agreeing. These others are just talking at us.

If candidates can make themselves available for lobbyists, they can make themselves available to the rest of us. There are solutions for reaching and engaging us, but they’d have to actually listen to us in order to find out what those solutions are. It matters.

I’ve sent numerous letters and emails to Attorney General Phil Weiser over the past five years, but he can’t be bothered to respond. Five years! And I voted for him! Not making that mistake again.

Krystyn Hartman, Grand Junction

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She still has the advantage in direct fundraising, according to new preprimary reports on Thursday night. In other key Democratic races, U.S. Sen. John Hickenlooper also led his primary challenger, Julie Gonzales, and Manny Rutinel led the money race against Shannon Bird in the 8th Congressional District primary.

In DeGette’s race, three political groups that haven’t yet reported their donors reported spending a combined $1.2 million this month to support her or oppose Melat Kiros, an attorney who identifies as a democratic socialist, in the June 30 primary. Also running is University of Colorado Regent Wanda James.

Most of the reported outside money — $860,000 — was spent just since Tuesday on digital and TV ads.

Another outside committee called Justice Democrats, which supports progressive candidates and is mostly funded by small-dollar donations, has spent nearly $178,000 on mailers and digital ads to support Kiros or oppose DeGette. Kiros now also has the backing of U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders, who announced his endorsement on Friday morning.

DeGette has represented the district, which primarily covers Denver, for nearly 30 years.

The largest outside contribution in the race has come from a political action committee called Pro-Choice Majority Action, which spent nearly $460,000 this week on TV ads supporting DeGette. The committee is affiliated with EDW Action Fund, which supports Democratic women running for Congress.

Another group that hasn’t reported its donors, named “Mile High Accountability Project,” spent $350,000 earlier this month on digital advertising to support DeGette.

And Project 218, a super PAC that supports Democratic candidates and hasn’t reported its donors since April, spent $400,000 this week on digital and TV ads opposing Kiros. The group by InfluenceWatch as a Democratic Party-aligned super PAC affiliated with . The PACs aim to help Democrats win back the House majority, including by defending incumbents in primaries.

A fourth group, the National Association of Realtors PAC, spent $11,041 this month in support of DeGette.

Colorado voter guide: Stories and explainers for the 2026 primary election

In the candidates' own fundraising, DeGette continued to outperform Kiros.

Since June 10, DeGette has filed 48-hour notices reporting $40,000 in additional contributions, required for donations of $1,000 or more close to an election.

Kiros raised $280,000 during the reporting period through June 10 and ended with $88,421 in her campaign account going into the final weeks. That was an improvement on her first-quarter report, which showed nearly $175,000 in contributions. Since June 10, she's filed 48-hour notices for $53,900 in additional contributions.

James, the third Democrat in the race, continued her last-place fundraising. She brought in just under $39,000 over the past two months. She ended the period with $25,800 in the bank. Since June 10, she's reported $2,500 in additional contributions.

The presumptive Republican nominee in the race, Christy Peterson, has not reported any fundraising.

Gonzales gains ground on Hickenlooper

In the U.S. Senate primary, Gonzales, a state senator, gained some ground on Hickenlooper but overall continued to lag behind his fundraising.

Hickenlooper reported raising nearly $900,000 between April 1 and June 10, including donations from individuals and PACs and transfers from joint fundraising committees. He spent nearly $2 million during that period as pro-Hickenlooper ads blanketed TV and social media, leaving him with about $3 million in cash on hand. Since June 10, he's disclosed another $52,200 in contributions in 48-hour reports.

Gonzales improved upon her contributions from the first quarter, raising $424,000 in the new report, up from $264,000 in the previous one. Her spending paled in comparison to Hickenlooper's, with $313,000 in expenditures during the 10-week period.

As of June 10, she had $226,000 in cash remaining. She's since reported $3,100 in additional contributions.

The winner of the primary will run against Republican state Sen. Mark Baisley.

Rutinel leads fundraising among CD8 Democrats

In Colorado’s most competitive congressional district, Rutinel continued his lead in fundraising in the Democratic primary against his Bird, his former colleague in the Colorado House. A third candidate in that race, Evan Munsing, dropped out of the race in May.

The 8th District primary has been the focus of the most intense outside spending in Colorado this year, with recent independent expenditures aimed at helping Rutinel bringing the primary total to nearly $7 million. The district includes north metro Denver suburbs and Greeley.

In direct fundraising, Rutinel raised $643,146 between April 1 and June 10. He entered the final weeks of the primary with $909,500 and has filed 48-hour reports for another $43,500 in donations.

Bird raised $421,000 in contributions in the most recent period, ending it with about $290,667 in the bank. She's since reported $25,500 in contributions through 48-hour notices.

Republican U.S. Rep. Gabe Evans, who currently holds the seat, has been amassing a multimillion-dollar war chest to take on whoever wins the primary.