The lawsuit, filed in U.S. District Court for the District of Colorado, takes aim at a 2013 state law — Advancing Students for a Stronger Tomorrow — that allows undocumented students living in Colorado to pay in-state tuition rates, which are significantly cheaper than out-of-state tuition rates. The law also allows such students to receive in-state financial aid.

The DOJ argues that federal law forbids giving undocumented students in-state tuition rates, because such tuition rates are not available to all U.S. citizens. Citizens who live outside of Colorado do not qualify for in-state tuition, and that makes offering the rates to undocumented students unconstitutional, the DOJ argued.

“These statutes constitute blatant unequal treatment favoring illegal aliens over U.S. citizens,” the complaint reads. “Worse, such preferential treatment is squarely prohibited and preempted by Congress.”

Lawrence Pacheco, a spokesman for Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser, declined to comment on the lawsuit Thursday.

The federal government recently to tuition breaks for undocumented students in Texas, , Minnesota and Oklahoma as part of the Trump administration’s broader crackdown on immigration. Florida in 2025 allowing undocumented students to qualify for in-state tuition.

The DOJ found success in Texas, where upheld a ruling that allowing some undocumented students to pay in-state tuition rates. The ruling, which applied only in Texas, was seen as an opening for conservatives to challenge similar laws across the country.

A federal judge in ended the practice there after a DOJ lawsuit, and Kentucky officials agreed to stop offering in-state tuition to undocumented students after the DOJ filed suit.

In March, there, finding that the DOJ failed to prove that the in-state tuition offering discriminated against U.S. citizens.

Jennifer Lucero-Alvarez, a spokeswoman for the Adams County Health Department, told The Denver Post in a statement that as of Monday, the private prison company Geo Group “has not provided all the information or access necessary for (the department) and Denver Health Tuberculosis Clinic to complete the public health investigation.”

That, despite the state’s top public health official issuing a directive last week that facility leaders allow inspectors to review medical records for the detainee who contracted the potentially fatal respiratory illness. Health officials also have said they want to look into unconfirmed reports of more TB cases in recent weeks.

Jill Hunsaker Ryan, the executive director of the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment, gave Geo until last Friday to let inspectors in.

But the deadline has come and gone. It did not spur the release of new information from the Geo Group or ICE, said Hope Shuler, a spokeswoman for the state agency’s . The company operates the 1,530-bed facility on behalf of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

Gov. Jared Polis, she said, had requested a discussion with Geo officials but had not heard back.

“Our priority remains obtaining the cooperation needed to do a communicable disease investigation,” Shuler said. “CDPHE has also reassured the facility and federal officials that the information being requested is standard for this type of public health investigation.”

Meanwhile, that ICE said in a statement that a case of tuberculosis had been detected in the facility on June 25 and that the person who had contracted it was “treated, cleared, and removed from the country.” Neither ICE nor Geo Group responded to The Post’s request for comment Monday.

Tuberculosis, a potentially fatal illness, spreads through the air and typically affects a patient����ap lungs, according to the .

The Adams County Health Department had issued a public health order on June 25 requiring GEO to “comply with Colorado public health laws governing tuberculosis investigations,” which includes allowing health officials to interview the case patient and others, look at medical records and get access to exposed individuals.

“We do not have direct communication from the facility to understand the situation inside,” Lucero-Alvarez said. “We remain concerned about individuals in the facility, including those who are detained and staff who might have been exposed.”

Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser said in a statement Monday that his office “stands ready to work with the governor’s office and state health officials to bring Geo into compliance with the law.”

“As a private company, Geo Group is required to comply with state health and safety regulations,” Weiser said. “The reported tuberculosis case at the ICE detention camp in Aurora is a serious public health issue and Geo must work with the state to investigate any potential outbreak or exposure to others.”

But what any enforcement action might look like — and when it might occur — wasn’t clear.

The investigation is at least the second public health probe into the Aurora facility this year, after Adams County officials sought more information about an alleged respiratory or gastrointestinal outbreak in January. That investigation didn’t identify an outbreak — though it, too, was frustrated by delays and resistance from officials at the facility.

Richard Pena, 37, broke into 11 Coinstar kiosks inside grocery stores along the I-70 corridor between Grand Junction and metro Denver over four days in November 2021. The machines accept loose change and dispense vouchers for cash or gift cards.

Pena stole bins containing a total of $65,769.82 in coins during 11 separate burglaries, according to his indictment by Colorado’s statewide grand jury.

A person believed to be Pena was seen entering the stores with a hand dolly and, in at least some of the burglaries, observed using what appeared to be a key to open the Coinstar kiosks, according to the indictment. He removed large bins of coins and carted them out to his van, the indictment said.

“All Coinstar kiosks within the United States were keyed identically upon manufacture,” prosecutors wrote in the indictment. “This allows the same key to access every kiosk in the country.”

The company’s investigators discovered a pattern of these types of thefts that started in Southern California and, by late 2021, had netted more than $1 million in losses, according to the indictment.

“Coinstar has been working to upgrade their kiosks to two-factor authentication,” prosecutors wrote.

The Colorado grand jury indicted Pena on 11 counts of third-degree burglary, a class 5 felony. He pleaded guilty to one count of class-4 felony theft for all 11 incidents, the Colorado Attorney General’s Office said.

A Denver District Court judge ordered Pena to pay $77,044.06 in restitution to Coinstar for the stolen money and damage to its machines.

Pena is already serving a federal sentence in Oregon for similar thefts in other states. The Colorado thefts took place at stores in Denver, Adams, Jefferson, Eagle and Mesa counties.

“This case wasn’t pocket change — it was (a) real loss for businesses and communities along the I-70 corridor,” Attorney General Phil Weiser said in a statement Friday. “Through hard investigative work, prosecutors in the Special Prosecutions Unit were able to bring justice for this 2021 coin-cashing kiosk heist that stretched from Grand Junction to Thornton.”

The Associated Press called the race for Marx late Thursday afternoon, nearly nine days after polls closed. He led the runner-up, state Sen. Barb Kirkmeyer, 39.9% to 39.4%, with 99% of ballots counted, .

Marx had taken his first narrow lead over Kirkmeyer the day after the June 30 primary, and though the race remained close, he never lost the advantage. While outstanding deficient and overseas ballots helped delay a final call on the race, those votes only served to expand Marx’s margin. He led by 2,414 votes at 7:10 p.m. Thursday, out of nearly 523,000 ballots cast.

Victor Marx, the Republican nominee for Colorado governor, has an unusual backstory. Here’s what to know.

State Rep. Scott Bottoms was a distant third, with 20.8% of the vote.

A veteran lawmaker and former Weld County commissioner, Kirkmeyer had jumped to an early advantage on the strength of early ballot returns. But as votes returned on Election Day began to filter in, her lead thinned and collapsed. Within 48 hours of polls closing, and with few ballots left to count in Kirkmeyer's Front Range strongholds, her path to retake the lead had all but vanished.

Marx will next face Democratic Attorney General Phil Weiser in November. No Republican has been elected to the governor's office in more than 20 years. Four months out, Weiser appears to be heavily favored to continue Democrats’ electoral dominance.

"My team and I have put together this special message that I want every Coloradan to hear —Republicans, independents, unaffiliated voters, and Democrats who are open to a better way," he said. "Because what we're building now is bigger than a primary victory."

In a video, he appealed to Coloradans who are frustrated with the status quo and don't think things can change — citing his victory as proof they can.

"Now Phil Weiser, he's a smart fella — but he represents the current system, because he is part of it," Marx said. "And that current system has made Colorado more expensive, less safe and harder for regular families to trust government."

In a separate statement, Kirkmeyer said she was proud of the race that she had run and the "clear vision" she had laid out for the Republican Party here.

"While we came up short in what appears to be the closest Republican gubernatorial primary in Colorado history, I’m grateful for every voter who placed their trust in us," she wrote.

Echoing the pledge she'd made before Election Day, she pointedly did not endorse Marx. She said only that she hoped voters "choose the path that is best for Colorado" in November.

Kirkmeyer also threw a final jab at Marx, who declined in late May to tell 9News how many people he'd killed as an adult.

Kirkmeyer wrote that, "for the record, I still haven’t killed anyone."

First-time candidate shrugged off questions

Marx's primary win is a remarkable result for the embattled Colorado GOP and for Marx, a former Marine, martial arts instructor and nonprofit leader whose extensive and much-scrutinized personal history had drawn national headlines. It's also attracted sharp criticism from other Republicans.

In his video, Marx appealed to Republican primary voters, saying there was room in his campaign for those who supported his opponents.

Marx had entered the fray last fall with no political profile and no experience as a political candidate. But by the time voters began receiving ballots last month, he'd ridden an atypical — if thoroughly modern — campaign to fundraising dominance and front-runner status.

Kirkmeyer’s support largely flowed from northern Front Range counties, nudging her ahead initially. But Marx picked up bigger margins among Election Day voters — meaning those more conservative voters skeptical of mail-in balloting.

He also won ruby-red El Paso County while racking up smaller wins in rural counties and grabbing enough in the Front Range to edge Kirkmeyer.

Map: Where did the votes come from in the Colorado primary races for governor?

In a pitch reminiscent of President Donald Trump, the arch-dealmaker, Marx has cast himself as a solutions-focused negotiator disinterested in partisan squabbles. In 2003, he founded All Things Possible Ministries, a Christian nonprofit that has provided stuffed animals and trauma support to people. It has also done work in conflict areas in Syria and Iraq, where Marx primarily worked away from the front lines as a funder and facilitator.

By 2024, the nonprofit's annual revenue had surpassed $7.5 million, and Marx has said the group — from which he has resigned — now primarily works to help law enforcement.

Despite his outsider status, Marx was considered the likely winner in the weeks before Election Day. His narrow victory, then, came as something of a surprise, and, on election night, he speculated that Bottoms — a conservative pastor from Colorado Springs — had pulled votes from him. In El Paso County, Bottoms earned more than 20,000 votes, or 24% of the county’s Republican total.

Though Marx out-raised and out-spent both Kirkmeyer and Bottoms, it was Kirkmeyer who had been perceived as the expected nominee when she entered the race last year. Marx had never run for office before, and the stories he’s told about his life — that he’d killed a man at age 7, been involved in "high-risk humanitarian" operations across the globe and could free people from demonic possession — drew intense scrutiny and national punchlines.

But he repeatedly shrugged off questions about his background and said he stood by all that he had said and written.

Through his personality-heavy, direct-to-voter campaign, he encouraged Colorado Republicans to shrug it off, too. He spent heavily on direct mailers, which provided a boost to both his fundraising and name recognition.

Marx eschewed policy discussions and skipped nearly every debate. When he did participate in one, he spent part of the event leaning on the lectern, with his dog at his feet. Rather than deliver a closing statement, he prayed.

Campaigning his own way

Though he leaned into his outsider status, the aw-shucks appeal belied a careful campaign shaped by Marx's emergence from a political environment forged by Trump: He skipped one debate after a moderator pressed him about his background, and he held a rally instead; his campaign later highlighted how many more people attended the rally than the debate.

His media operation was led by a former Turning Points USA staffer, and his campaign touted its social media posts' views at Marx's watch party last week. He was comfortable as a podcast guest, regularly released videos of himself and repeatedly assured voters that he was no politician.

Though Marx had little backing — or trust — from institutional Republican forces, the PAC that supported his campaign was established by a former senior official from Gov. Bill Owens' administration. Marx also was endorsed by U.S. Rep. Lauren Boebert, the most nationally visible Colorado Republican.

His approach proved to be enough for Colorado Republicans to back him. But his next task will be far harder.

In November, he will face a surging Weiser, who last week dismantled U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet on his way to the Democratic nomination. Weiser proved an adept fundraiser and campaigner with statewide appeal, and he will look to lead a restless Democratic base that elected progressive candidates up and down the ballot.

In a statement Thursday, Weiser said Marx's "views and style are far out of step with Coloradans, and his nomination for governor is a threat to our state’s values and our future."

Republicans' last statewide win was in a University of Colorado at-large regent's race in 2016. The state GOP has had four elected party chairs since the last Republican gubernatorial bid in 2022, which ended with a culture war-focused Heidi Ganahl — who had won that at-large regent seat — losing by nearly 20 percentage points to Gov. Jared Polis.

Simultaneously, Marx may also have to contend with an independent candidacy from Greg Lopez, a former Republican congressman and gubernatorial candidate who is gathering signatures to make the fall ballot.

What an interesting primary election for the Democrats. Name recognition was supposed to give the victory to Sen. Michael Bennet, but it did not. He announced his campaign, saying he could get more done in Colorado than in Washington, D.C. So, I guess the honorable thing to do would be to retire from his Senate seat. Then, in an ironic twist, Phil Weiser could appoint his replacement.

Name recognition, and it would seem, name recognition only, brought victory to Jena Griswold. She’s an attorney with no courtroom or prosecutorial experience. Her future staff in the attorney general’s office are going to have so much fun at staff meetings.

Then there is state Rep. Sean Comacho’s defeat. Sean, we just wanted to know the source of all that dark money. Maybe you should go see Disclosure Day.

Finally, there is U.S. Rep. Diana DeGette’s defeat, which happened due to laziness and complacency. I’m not exactly sad to see DeGette go, but now we have a candidate for November who believes the state of Israel has no right to exist and should not have weapons to defend itself. Melat Kiros seems like a smart person. But if you can’t make a distinction between the government of Israel and its people, maybe not.

James Ronald LaFollette, Denver

Over the years, The Denver Post has run a goodly number of opinions I’ve submitted, and I appreciate it. However, I’ve submitted a few proclaiming my disapproval of the policies and actions of the state of Israel, which is not antisemitic. I harbor no animosity or prejudice against the Jewish faith nor its culture. Not one of those submissions was published.

It would seem the results of the Denver Democratic primary are an indication that I was and am not alone in this persuasion. I am anti-colonialism, as Israel is primarily an Eastern European colony. I am anti-genocide as this is clearly the aim of Israel’s campaign to eliminate both the Palestinian state and its people. Finally, I resent tremendously the use of my tax dollars to not only support but also promote both of the above.

Bill Starks, Arvada

I applaud The Denver Post Open Forum for its wisdom in selecting the op ed of Vivian Weinstein of Denver on the June 27 opinion page. Werinstein and I are both of the Jewish faith and support Melat Kiros, Colorado Democrat candidate for the upcoming midterm House seat long held by Diane DeGette. Having experienced genocide waged against her Ethiopian family, Melat Kiros has expressed sympathy for the Palestinians of Gaza.

To be sure, the thugs of Hamas and Hezbollah committed a horrific massacre of young Jewish civilians enjoying a music festival on October 7, 2023. Israeli Jews had every right to retaliate with great force. But what has followed has been nothing short of an all-out genocide against Gazan and Lebanese civilians.

Democratically elected Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu no doubt considers himself a peaceful leader, but he has waged brutal aggression against his perceived enemies on the West Bank and many parts of the Middle East. His aggression continues to this day. He is, in fact, an autocrat.

Netanyahu acts like a king, as does U.S. President Donald Trump. The two of them teamed up to bomb Iran in a war that, by all accounts, has been a dismal failure. War must necessarily be the last resort. Displaying humanity must be a moral imperative among the world’s leaders. But because of Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu, I find that in my old age, I am embarrassed to be a Jewish American. We must do better. We must not tolerate Kings.

Barry Sharcot, Denver

I feel sad for Michael Bennet that he doesn’t get to come home to Colorado yet, but we still need him in Washington. I believe Weiser is best in tune to Colorado’s local needs, and Michael has been a great advocate for Colorado for many years.

Unlike much of the outside funding of other campaigns, I suspect a lot of Michael’s reflected the respect he has from other parts of the country, especially the western states.

Thank you, Bennet.

Gail Ryan, Lakewood

To Monica Duran, Joe Neguse, Jason Crow, and Britany Pettersen,

I was disappointed in you all and never understood your support for Michael Bennet. That said, please take note that Corporate Democrats who are supported by billionaire-funded Super PACs, which run disparaging campaigns against the people’s democratic candidates, are no longer winning in Colorado.

Louis Kolker, Lakewood

I voted for Julie Gonzalez for U.S. Senate in the June primary because I don’t believe that John Hickenlooper has the qualities that will be needed to meet the challenges that face our country in the years ahead. Democrats need a fighter, not a compromiser, to deal with Trump and the MAGA Republicans in Congress.

We need universal healthcare, but Hickenlooper is opposed to Medicare for All. He has a history of voting for Trump nominees. He’s too old (and I’m 79). I hope he will learn the right lessons from his pathetic 53% to 47% “victory” on Tuesday. People are sick and tired of politics as usual. So, if he wants to leave a meaningful legacy for his time in the Senate, I suggest that he scrap his centrist tendencies and concentrate his efforts on making the future brighter for our children and grandchildren.

Mike Dubrovich, Parker

The cost of wolves to ranchers is far more than just a number on paper

���:��“What’s really killing cattle in Colorado,” June 28, guest commentary.

Erik MMolvar’scolumn on the impact of the reintroduction of wolves in Colorado makes the point that the losses ranchers suffer due to those wolves are relatively minor in terms of the losses from other causes. I assume that Molvar hopes readers conclude that complaints about wolves are overblown.

However, my conclusion is that raising cattle is fraught with risks, and the presence of wolves has added yet another risk to ranching. Like all of agriculture, ranching is a risky but necessary industry subject to many variables outside of anyone’s control, stretching from weather to selling in a market that sets prices regardless of the costs incurred. Wolves add to the risks, minor or otherwise, and impact the profitability of ranching.

While the sstate’scompensation helps, I doubt that it fully compensates for the additional costs of having wolves in the environment. For example, does the compensation include a value for the time needed to go through the claim process rather than attending to other tasks or the extra diligence expended to minimize the losses? My observation is from the perspective of someone who has lived his life in urban and suburban areas and never worked in ranching or farming.

Shawn Thompson, Denver

1stBank to PNC transition has been rough

���:��“Rebrand sparks outcry,” “June 27, news story.

I’m one of the 1stBank customers leaving PNC. I’ve been a 1stBank client since 1985. Their customer service was always fantastic. After the merger was announced, PNC sent me a self-praising letter promising customer service as good or better than 1stBank. We shall see, I thought.

Next, I read they are laying off almost 800 of their Colorado employees. Then, I get a thick transition letter with a task list for me, with a list of deadlines. I didn’t ask for this, and I’m not your employee, so why am I doing your work for you? Concerned about a direct deposit, I needed PNC customer service. In the transition letter to Coloradans, customer service hours were given in Eastern Time because not a single person in this national bank could take the five seconds required to translate Eastern Time to Mountain Time. Rude.

Anyway, I called the customer service number printed on the transition letter. After 30 minutes on hold, I was told, “We are not allowed to answer transition questions. Here’s the number for that.” Put on hold again. I’m moving my accounts to Bank of Colorado.

Joan Jacobson, Lakewood

A bright spot in the blight of gambling

“Howsports betting became Colorado’s ticket to funding $140 million in water conservation projects,” June 18, news story.

Thank you for your coverage of the conservation projects that are funded by sports betting. I did not realize there was a bright spot in this cancerous activity that has become so popular.

C. Greenman, Lakewood

To send a letter to the editor about this article, submit online or check out our guidelines for how to submit by email or mail.

It was a phone call that secured her support — and not even one that Lang received herself. She’d met someone at a May Day labor rally who had a transgender child. The otherwise stranger told Lang about calling the Colorado Attorney General’s Office to express worry about the Trump administration’s for children like hers.

Weiser — the elected attorney general since 2019 — responded, Lang said, by calling that constituent personally to promise he would use his office to protect those rights.

“That’s an example of governing — it’s not about political power, it����ap about being here to serve the people,” said Lang, a 37-year-old Denverite. “That really spoke volumes to me.”

Voters like her helped propel Weiser, 58, to a stunning victory on Tuesday over U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet — a man who had previously won three statewide elections by ever-increasing margins, lined up a who’s who of Democratic endorsements before his campaign even launched, benefited from $11.4 million in super PAC support backing his candidacy, and enjoyed, polls long showed, a massive edge in name recognition.

But Bennet’s advantages didn’t always break through to voters — and there were also harder-to-gauge intangible factors that can vary from voter to voter, like which candidate comes across as more personable or more trustworthy.

Lang said she read the news daily, particularly after Donald Trump’s victory in the 2024 presidential election “catalyzed” her. She knew Weiser had sued the Trump administration repeatedly; she couldn’t place Bennet or what he had done.

The surprise delivered by Tuesday night’s primary result wasn’t necessarily Weiser’s victory itself. He had campaigned himself into striking distance in the final month of the race, while Bennet����ap support seemed calcified. Most political observers, by then, saw a world where either man could become the Democratic nominee.

The surprise was the thoroughness of Weiser’s victory — more than 13 percentage points as of Thursday evening, with most ballot-counting complete.

“Weiser ran an amazing campaign,” Colorado State University political science professor Kyle Saunders said. “He didn’t have the name recognition six months ago. He didn’t have the backing. And this wasn’t some squeaker you can explain away with turnout.

“There’s no doubt, to my eye, that Weiser was helped by anti-incumbent sentiment. But this was a shellacking.”

‘Discontent among the Democratic base’

From the time Bennet announced he was running in April 2025, three months after Weiser entered the race, the senator was dogged by questions about why he’d want to leave Washington, D.C. — and why he needed to give up one of the most powerful political positions in the country to make a difference for Colorado.

While not a true incumbent, Bennet nonetheless faced the drag of an anti-incumbent year as he sought another office.

And now, instead of being able to move back to Colorado full time, Bennet will remain in Washington, with more than two years left in his Senate term — while Weiser faces the Republican nominee who emerges from a primary race that was, as of late Thursday, still too close to call. In increasingly blue Colorado, the Democrat will go into the fall general election campaign as a heavy favorite.

A pair of polls by the bipartisan Colorado Polling Institute, from September and April, pointed to that broader discontent with incumbents, especially among Democrats frustrated with the Trump administration — and with what their elected officials were doing to fight it.

The April poll found Bennet’s favorability among Coloradans had dropped from the prior year’s poll results, from 45% to 40%. His unfavorable rating had risen, from 31% to 39%.

“CPI had been picking up on discontent among the Democratic base throughout the past year, and the primary became the release valve,” said Kevin Ingham, a principal from the Democratic polling firm Aspect Strategic, which works with CPI. “Every race is different, but the data was all pointing towards a uniquely difficult environment for any longtime Democratic incumbent.”

That sentiment was apparently most stark in Denver. Voters in the Democratic primary there ousted longtime U.S. Rep. Diana DeGette in favor of attorney Melat Kiros, a 29-year-old democratic socialist who’s now the nominee. Denver was also where Weiser did best, winning almost two votes for each one cast for Bennet. And it’s where Bennet’s Senate counterpart, U.S. Sen. John Hickenlooper — who still won the Democratic nomination for reelection Tuesday — trailed his challenger, liberal state Sen. Julie Gonzales, by nearly 9 percentage points.

Map: Who’s leading in the Colorado primary race for governor?

Amy Kenreich, a 46-year-old Denverite, said she saw Weiser as more progressive overall than Bennet, with values that she shared. But as much as she supported Weiser, she was driven just as much by an antipathy for Bennet that stretched back to his time running Denver Public Schools nearly 20 years ago.

She accused him of using his time there to bring “the privatization movement to education in Denver,” and she saw him as likely to do the same as governor.

The flood of outside money into the race, including $5 million from New York City billionaire Michael Bloomberg to support Bennet, only reinforced that feeling.

"Once people understand what's going on, see what's going on, it's disgusting — and they're outraged,” Kenreich said. “People are more likely to take action if they're angry about something, and they're angry about billionaire influence for sure."

Making personal connections

Danielle Varda, an Arvada volunteer for Weiser’s campaign and a Democratic candidate for the Colorado House of Representatives, said she saw the election as a rejection of an "ivory tower of election-knowers.”

“We just saw how slick your mailer is, and how many go out," Varda said. "It����ap the difference between authenticity and a gimmick. I think Bennet was relying on the machine, the way everyone tells you you’re supposed to do it. And times are just changing.”

She contrasted that with Weiser. She described him as someone who, “when he meets people, he looks them in the eye and remembers their name.”

Varda had her own moment like that about a year ago. Weiser had already made it clear he wouldn’t issue endorsements in state House races. But when they both attended an event, he made sure to talk with her and get her phone number.

“He made that one little personal connection, and I felt seen,” Varda said. “I felt like he cared who I was. … If you multiply that by a million, that����ap Phil Weiser.”

From there, the two politicians' networks overlapped. Varda didn’t have an opponent in the primary, having won out at the local assembly, but that moment with Weiser motivated her to use her connections to campaign on his behalf.

She recalled meeting with Democratic groups in Golden — typically thought of as a more moderate enclave of metro Denver, Varda said — and found people eager for a fighter. Weiser would go on to win Jefferson County with 57% of the vote.

Bennet declined media interviews after a show-of-unity Democratic Party event on Thursday that drew many candidates and officials. But during a speech congratulating Weiser (and after chuckling about Weiser’s unofficial slogan: “Phil Weiser for governor; Michael Bennet for Senate"), he praised his opponent����ap work.

“It����ap hard to start in the position Phil was in, and knock on every door and make those calls and get out to every single community and win this race,” Bennet said. “I was amazed to watch the work that he did and to see the loyalty of the team that he built all over the state of Colorado, from the very beginning.”

Weiser, for his part, emphasized lessons he learned from past governors, including Roy Romer and Hickenlooper, and from former U.S. Rep. Ed Perlmutter.

“If you’re knocking on doors, you’re there to listen and learn,” Weiser said. “... You shake every hand. You honor every voter. You’re there to serve, and you do it with a smile because this work is about the people of Colorado."

While this election promises to be more amusing than usual, the results will be no laughing matter. We, the people, are better served when there are two viable parties in the statehouse and serious people representing the state.

If Barbara Kirkmeyer were facing off with Democrat Phil Weiser, the race would be a contest of ideas and Republican candidates for the General Assembly would be buoyed by her presence on the ballot. With more Republicans in the statehouse, lawmakers would be more likely to pass balanced legislation when they convene in 2027.

Over the past few years, single-party rule in state government has generated higher taxes (I mean fees), burdensome business regulation, and even extreme laws that have been overruled by the U.S. Supreme Court. With more people leaving Colorado than moving in, a move toward moderation will stop the bleeding.

However, with Marx as the Republican nominee, the state’s continued march to the left is guaranteed. Weiser need not campaign to win. He can focus on helping candidates in down-ticket races with the aim of attaining a Democratic supermajority in the General Assembly. Come November, we can officially rename the Colorado Republican Caucus, the Colorado Republican Carcass.

While Democrats did not choose an exorcist as their candidate for governor, some of their choices were also less than prudent. In the 1st Congressional District race, Denver voters picked Melat Kiros, a fiery 29-year-old self-proclaimed democratic socialist, over 15-term Rep. Diana DeGette. The upset compares to Lauren Boebert����ap 2020 primary win against incumbent Scott Tipton in the 3rd Congressional District.

Boebert, who recently made news by mocking her colleague’s hospitalization for severe depression, has been a gift to Democrats since she took office. Will Kiros, whose writings have already gotten her fired once, tone down her rhetoric once in office, or will she, like Boebert, prove to be an embarrassment to the state? Time will tell.

In the 8th Congressional District, voters picked the more left-leaning Manny Rutinel over former lawmaker Shannon Bird. Bird would have given U.S. Rep. Gabe Evans a reason to worry. The swing district, rated “toss-up” by the Cook Political Report, includes both suburban and rural areas. Rutinel, a former vegan, has described animal agriculture as a “horrific, exploitative industry.” Now that he’s a candidate, Rutinel is trying to sound more supportive of the district����ap economic driver. It is doubtful voters will believe the convenient change of heart.

There was one race where the establishment candidate was not the best choice, but voters nevertheless picked a candidate with slim credentials and a track record of errors. Jena Griswold will now face Republican District Attorney Michael J. Allen in the race for attorney general. Because of her past performance as Secretary of State, Allen has a chance. In other blue states like Massachusetts and Maryland, Republicans occasionally secure a statewide office. It could happen here.

As Tuesday’s results show, Colorado can always expect the unexpected in elections.

Krista Kafer is a Sunday Denver Post columnist.

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Marx held a roughly 2,000-vote lead throughout the day, an advantage that had not been seriously threatened since he overtook Kirkmeyer on Wednesday evening. As of 6 p.m. Thursday, he led Kirkmeyer 39.8% to 39.4% with more than 515,000 votes counted, according to The Associated Press. State Rep. Scott Bottoms was in a distant third with 20.7%.

The AP had still not called the race by Thursday evening. But with 97% of outstanding votes counted, Kirkmeyer’s path to regain the lead from Marx was vanishingly narrow. Her campaign had hoped late votes from Arapahoe County, the only area with substantial ballots left to tally, would break for Kirkmeyer. Ten percent of the county was still outstanding Thursday evening.

But officials there had reported thousands of ballots earlier in the day, and they had done little to bring Kirkmeyer level.

Marx spokesman Roger Hudson said Thursday that the campaign was confident they would win and that they were waiting on media outlets to declare Marx the winner.

“We know our voters, we knew where they were, and they certainly have delivered,” he said. He pointed to the few ballots outstanding in Arapahoe County. “It would be really difficult for (Kirkmeyer) to find those extra votes.”

Kirkmeyer opened up an initial lead on Marx as early votes were first reported in the hours after polls closed Tuesday. But the lead narrowed as late ballots, which broke for Marx, began to come in Tuesday night and Wednesday. Twenty-four hours after results were first posted, Marx had overtaken Kirkmeyer and, though she stayed close enough to keep the race in place Thursday, she was unable to reestablish herself.

The winner of the race will face Attorney General Phil Weiser, who cruised to the Democratic nomination Tuesday. He beat U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet by nearly 120,000 votes.

Throughout the day Thursday, Marx held Kirkmeyer at arm’s length as the final batches of votes, largely from Arapahoe County, began to filter in. His advantage stood at 2,028 by 6:10 p.m., with an estimated 97% of the vote counted, according to the Associated Press, which had still not called the race by early Thursday evening.

Marx had 39.8% support to Kirkmeyer’s 39.4% — a razor-thin margin with more than 515,000 votes tallied so far, , though the margin was well above the state’s automatic recount threshold. Rep. Scott Bottoms, a conservative pastor from Colorado Springs also seeking the GOP nomination, was in third, with 20.7%.

Roger Hudson, Marx’s spokesman, said late Thursday that the campaign was confident Marx’s lead would not slip and that they were eagerly awaiting a final call from media outlets.

“There’s never been any contraction in the momentum of this race,” he said. “We know our voters, we knew where they were, and they certainly have delivered. … It would be really difficult for (Kirkmeyer) to find those extra votes.”

Laurel Boyle, a spokeswoman for Kirkmeyer, said Thursday afternoon that Kirkmeyer remained hopeful and that the campaign was waiting on the last batch of ballots from Arapahoe County. The county still had roughly 10% of its ballots to count, according to the AP.

Kirkmeyer had led for nearly 22 hours after the polls closed, seemingly built by people who voted earlier in the run-up to Election Day. But Marx steadily gained ground on the veteran lawmaker as late votes filtered in from around the state. By early evening Wednesday, he had overtaken Kirkmeyer, and she did not make up much ground on him as Thursday wore on and the number of outstanding ballots dwindled.

Marx’s campaign had said earlier Wednesday afternoon that it felt confident that trend would hold and be enough to push the nonprofit leader from Colorado Springs into first place.

Early evening updates came within minutes of each other from El Paso County, where Marx has led, and Denver, where Kirkmeyer has led, among others. Those election offices had spent the day processing tens of thousands more ballots, and they resulted in an overall shift in Marx’s favor when they landed.

Hudson had said Wednesday that he felt more confident in Marx’s chances than he had Tuesday night, when Marx told supporters that he could still overtake Kirkmeyer.

“It’s more proof of the fact that those late voters, in-person voters, are Victor Marx voters,” Hudson said.

It was unclear when AP would call a final winner. The state’s automatic recount law would be triggered if the margin between Marx and Kirkmeyer is less than 0.5% of the leading vote-getter’s total. Currently, that’s a little more than 1,000 votes.

In an interview late Wednesday morning, Kirkmeyer said she remained confident, pointing to ballots that were outstanding at the time in Larimer, Arapahoe, Boulder and her native Weld counties. She led in all of those places, though Marx had pulled ahead in Adams County, maintained a lead in ruby-red El Paso County and comfortably won Mesa and Pueblo counties.

She said that if she could maintain and pad out her support along the Front Range, then those counties “are going to help carry me through to a win in this election.”

“We thought it would be a competitive race,” she said. “I was in session until the middle of May. I couldn’t do a lot of campaigning.”

But as many of those ballots were counted into Thursday, Marx was in the lead.

Map: Who’s leading in the Colorado primary race for governor?

Hudson said that concerns around mail-in voting, which have taken hold among conservative voters amid President Donald Trump's repeated and baseless claims of election fraud, likely spurred more hardline Republican voters to cast their ballots in person on Election Day. Those would then be among the last votes to be counted.

That trend would make sense for the candidates: Kirkmeyer is a more traditional, fiscally conservative and moderate Republican. Marx has played more to the base, eschewing policy debates in favor of social media outreach and wearing his controversial personal history -- which has attracted extensive public scrutiny -- on his sleeve.

Whoever wins will take on Attorney General Phil Weiser, the Democratic nominee, in November, after he crushed U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet in their primary contest Tuesday.

The most nationally resonating story of the night was the final one, where attorney Melat Kiros, a self-described democratic socialist, beat out 15-term U.S. Rep. Diana DeGette after mounting an insurgent campaign for the Denver seat.

But it also subverted many Democrats’ expectations when Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser handily beat Sen. Michael Bennet in the nomination race for governor. The better-known Bennet, who had won three statewide Senate races, entered the primary last year with an avalanche of support from the Democratic establishment.

Colorado election results for the 2026 primary

And Sen. John Hickenlooper, who secured the party’s nomination for a second term, was winning by less than 10 percentage points as of Wednesday afternoon — despite outraising challenger Julie Gonzales, a state senator, almost 10-to-1. In Denver, both candidates’ home turf, Hickenlooper was trailing Gonzales, revealing some voter dissatisfaction.

Here are major takeaways from Tuesday’s primaries.

Voters seek fighters

In the Democrats’ race for governor, Weiser credited his win to an electorate that wanted politicians who are authentic — and willing to fight for them. Central to his campaign was also the dozens of lawsuits he’d filed or joined against the Trump administration.

“For over a year, the establishment, pundits and so many others said this wouldn’t be a race at all — it would be a coronation,” Weiser said, referring to the underdog status he had through much of the race. “They counted us out, and they underestimated all of you.”

Meanwhile, Bennet and DeGette — neither of whom had faced real primary threats in recent reelections, despite occasional challengers to DeGette — will likely look back at their losses and kick themselves for not taking these challengers more seriously before it was too late.

Bennet all but cleared what was expected to be a crowded primary field just by announcing he wanted the governor’s office just over a year ago. But then Weiser seemed to out-hustle Bennet.

Kiros, meanwhile, out-organized DeGette. She wasn’t even alive when DeGette first entered office, but she nearly kept the longtime fixture of Denver political life off the primary ballot entirely. That prompted a campaign reshuffle, but there wasn’t enough of a shift for DeGette to beat an opponent backed by extensive — and dedicated — grassroots organizing.

“Tonight, Denver voters of all ages, all races, all religions sent a clear message: We will not wait,” Kiros said during her victory speech to supporters. “We will not wait to bring the fight to (President) Donald Trump and the oligarchy. We will not wait to demand that Congress abolish ICE and pass Medicare for All. We will not wait to end the politics of the past. To get big money out of our elections. To reject corporate PACs and AIPAC (the American Israel Public Affairs Committee). And no, we will not wait to end the genocide in Gaza.”

Progressives win up and down the ballot

A slew of other progressive — or at least anti-incumbent — Democratic wins were playing out further down the ballot.

Several farther-left statehouse candidates in Denver and the surrounding suburbs beat their more moderate opponents. Rep. Sean Camacho, who represents east Denver and is the co-chair of the moderate Opportunity Caucus, lost to progressive challenger Iris Halpern. Chela Garcia Irlando whalloped Andres Carrera for a soon-to-be-vacant Senate seat representing downtown and northwest Denver.

A network of outside groups tied to the dark-money group One Main Street spent more than $3 million on several primary races this year. But they lost in several that were opposed by progressive and labor groups, including in One Main Street����ap efforts to oust incumbent Democratic Reps. Kenny Nguyen and Jamie Jackson.

Even Gabriel Cervantes, who had received little financial help after controversial social media posts came to light, won his primary challenge against another Opportunity Caucus member, Thornton Rep. Jacque Phillips.

In Colorado's battleground congressional district — the 8th, which includes north suburbs — the farther-left candidate prevailed in the Democratic primary. Though the dynamics were a little different from the state legislative races, Manny Rutinel, a state representative, defeated former lawmaker Shannon Bird after progressive groups tended to back Rutinel.

Big money has a tough night

It was a bad night for big money.

The dark-money spending in statehouse primaries — which had propelled moderate candidates to wins two years ago — appeared to bear little fruit across metro Denver. Republican gubernatorial candidate Victor Marx, who raised and spent more than his two GOP opponents combined, was narrowly leading state Sen. Barb Kirkmeyer by Wednesday evening but had trailed for all of Tuesday night and most of the day Wednesday. That race has not yet been called.

While Weiser raised more direct cash in the Democratic race, Bennet was backed by a deep-pocketed outside group that raised an eye-watering $11.4 million, almost half of which came from New York City billionaire Michael Bloomberg. As DeGette’s situation grew more perilous in recent weeks, vast sums of outside money poured in to prop her up, too.

And ultimately, little of it seemed to matter.

To be clear, the winners — or, in some cases, apparent winners — spent vast fortunes, too. But the money backing Weiser, Kiros and progressive statehouse candidates was often more transparent in its origins, mostly given directly to the candidates and less extensive in its spending.

Unaffiliated voters break blue — hard

Colorado’s unaffiliated voters, who make up more than half of the total electorate, returned more than twice as many Democratic primary ballots as they did GOP ballots. (In Colorado's system, they receive both in the mail, but can vote only one of them.)

Whether that means these independents all lean left or were simply more enticed by a ballot with more competitive races than the Republican contests offered is yet to be seen — but it proves the bloc is a potent one.

Map: Who’s leading in the Colorado primary race for governor?

Colorado’s automatic voter registration system defaults to an unaffiliated registration, meaning voters need to take an extra step to declare as a Democrat, Republican or member of another party. The open primary system also disincentivizes them to register with a party. In short, the lack of party affiliation doesn’t mean those voters lack a political preference or are middle of the road — but it does mean campaigns have to work harder to identify those who will pull primary ballots.

Overall, the Colorado Secretary of State's Office reported that 1.47 million ballots had been returned statewide as of noon Thursday, a number that could still rise as clerks continue processing ballots. That amounted to about 36% of active voters, or nearly 32% of all registered voters.

Battle for direction of GOP still too close to call

While Colorado’s Democratic voters bucked some of their party’s standard-bearers Tuesday night, Republicans were still locked in a fight over the immediate future of their party.

Until early Wednesday evening, Kirkmeyer, perhaps the most high-profile and well-respected Republican in deep-blue Colorado, had narrowly held off an outsider challenge by Marx, a nonprofit leader who outraised and outspent Kirkmeyer. But as new results were uploaded by multiple counties, Marx took a narrow lead. The outcome was still unclear (check the latest results here), and state Rep. Scott Bottoms, a pastor, in some ways competed with Marx for far-right voters' support. (He'd won about half as many votes as either of the other two candidates.)

But Kirkmeyer's competitiveness bucked expectations, both from Marx and some in the more traditional GOP operative space, that Marx would easily win. And it also showed that the battle over the battered, broke and beleaguered Colorado GOP — one waged between the more establishment, moderate faction and the right-wing and grassroots elements — was far from settled.

Colorado election results for the 2026 primary by county

Conservative political observers saw the GOP primary as more than just a fight between candidates. It represented an existential contest for the future of the party. Kirkmeyer brought decades of experience, along with a deep knowledge of the state budget and the inner workings of the state Capitol.

Dick Wadhams, who ran the campaign for the only Republican to win the governor’s office over the past 50 years, warned earlier in the race that Kirkmeyer was the only GOP candidate who could keep a general election debate with the Democratic nominee grounded in policy, rather than conspiracy theories or questions about a larger-than-life biography.

A win for her in the primary wouldn't necessarily portend a win in November, especially with Colorado trending steadily blue over the past decade. But it would mean the best chance for Republicans up and down the ballot to avert getting wiped out by voters who want serious leadership in the state, according to Wadhams, a Kirkmeyer supporter.

“This governor’s race is going to help answer the question, ‘Is this party serious or not?’ ” Wadhams said ahead of the primary.

Staff writers Elliott Wenzler and John Aguilar contributed to this story.