The bulk of the money — nearly $1.3 million — has been spent on Democratic primaries, with a smaller amount spent in Republican races. The Democratic spending has flowed from American Future, a vaguely named state-level political action committee that has reported just one donor — that, in turn, has been bankrolled exclusively by . That super PAC has received $43 million in donations from DraftKings, FanDuel and Fanatics.

Colorado’s gamble on sports betting

Without federal campaign finance reports, it would otherwise be unclear which interests were paying for the mailers and advertisements distributed under American Future's name.

The ads , and contains only vague allusions to Democratic-adjacent policy positions. The state PAC's description of itself provides no clarity, either, detailing its purpose as "supporting Colorado state legislative candidates who focus on pressing issues facing everyday people."

The industry's campaign spending comes barely a month after state lawmakers passed , a first-in-the-nation law that was sharply opposed by the sports-betting industry. The measure, signed into law by Gov. Jared Polis on June 1, limits the number of daily deposits a gambler can make and bans push notifications intended to solicit bets or deposits, among other new regulations.

The spending has not targeted the bill's sponsors, none of whom face primary opponents later this month, and has even supported some lawmakers who voted in favor of SB-131. The companies' PACs have donated to candidates across the political spectrum, including in some races with a clear favorite.

Other groups have been spending big in statehouse primaries this year, with much of it continuing a battle to tilt the Democratic majority in a more moderate or progressive direction.

The sports-betting-aligned state PAC reported nearly $215,000 in donations from its parent group as of June 15, along with $282,000 in spending. But in the weeks since then, it's posted hundreds of thousands of dollars in additional spending, bringing its total spending in Democratic primaries to nearly $1.3 million as of Monday afternoon, according to campaign finance records.

Final totals won't be clear until after June 30, which is primary election day.

On the GOP side, American Conservative Fund, which has also received money exclusively from Win for America, has donated $250,000 to a state-level PAC supporting Republican statehouse candidates. That PAC is funded by other outside business groups as well.

Like its Democratic counterpart, lists several Republican-sounding buzzwords among its priorities, with no additional information about its backers.

Messages sent to the three gambling companies were not returned Monday. Nathan Click, a spokesman for American Future, referred The Post to a previous statement, first sent to Axios in April. In that statement, the PAC said it was seeking candidates "who will thoughtfully approach regulation and ensure legal sports betting can continue to support communities through billions in tax revenue and jobs across America."

But the ubiquitous spread of sports betting has raised significant regulator interest amid growing fears about problem gambling, The Denver Post reported in a recent special series.

Since Colorado voters legalized the practice in 2020, residents have wagered more than $30.6 billion on games and athletes. More than $154 million has been collected in taxes, much of it for water-focused preservation and conservation projects. At the same time, more than 45,000 people in the state have called a hotline set up for gamblers who may need help, and 1,245 are now on the self-exclusion list that bans them from betting for at least five years.

Sen. Matt Ball, a Denver Democrat who sponsored SB-131 earlier this year, said he wasn't surprised the industry was getting directly involved in campaigns. He said the industry did not like SB-131 and had been active in several other states. that the federal PAC planned to spend money in as many as 15 states by November

Ball said he'd heard that lawmakers backing sports-betting regulations in other states had faced threats that the industry would back their primary opponents. But none of SB-131's sponsors has a primary challenger this year, and the Democratic primaries in which the companies' PACs are participating are in mostly safe blue seats located in the metro Denver.

"I'm not surprised that they're spending this directly," Ball said — but how they're spending has surprised him.

"Some of it is a little hard to read," he said. "I don't understand why they are spending in the races they are spending in, because they are spending in races across the political spectrum."

On the Democratic side, the money has been spent on roughly a dozen primary candidates, most of them running for soon-to-be-empty seats.

The PAC cannot coordinate with candidates' campaigns, and it's unclear why the gambling PAC chose the candidates that it did. While several Democratic hopefuls are moderates and have been backed by other outside business interests, at least two are progressives endorsed by the left-wing Working Families Party. Some are in contentious races, while others are comfortable favorites.

The two Working Families Party-endorsed candidates, Justine Sandoval and Gena Ozols, have both released statements on social media noting that the mailers came from an outside group that wasn't authorized by their campaigns.

Sandoval, who is running for a Denver-based House seat and has received more support from the sports-betting PAC than nearly any other candidate, said she was unfamiliar with the group's backers until recently.

Her campaign has raised $25,000 — more than $100,000 less than what American Future has spent to support her from the outside against primary opponent Sterling Thomas Simms. Sandoval said she was generally opposed to unrestricted outside spending.

She met with DraftKing's lobbyist in March or April, and the lobbyist was "curious" about her position on sports betting. She wasn't opposed to gambling, she said, but was concerned about it being unregulated. She didn't hear anything else from the group.

Then the mailers and advertisements started flowing.

Sandoval figured that the group was backing her because its leaders thought she'd win. She also noted that the district she hopes to represent, House District 5, will soon include all three of Denver's largest sports venues if the Broncos build a stadium in Burnham Yard.

"So, there's some kind of investment thought there," she said.

Ball speculated that the spending was a "goodwill" donation in support of candidates who are either likely to win in contested races or don't have a serious primary challenge at all. Three of the Democratic candidates that American Future is supporting are incumbents seeking a return to office. While they each have primary challengers, all are expected to comfortably win their contests later this month. And all three voted in favor of SB-131.

State Sen. Adrienne Benavidez, who has received more than $150,000 in outside support from American Future, said she wasn't familiar with the group or its funders until informed by a reporter Monday morning. She said she'd never had contact with the PAC or the companies supporting it.

She welcomed support from anyone, she said, and was pleased that the ads had been positive support for her, rather than negative against her opponent, Alex Ryckman.

"It was totally out of the blue," said Benavidez, who previously served in the House before earning a vacancy appointment to the Senate earlier this year. "I don't know anything about them. The contributions coming from those companies — I was not aware until you just told me that. I've never had any contact with them, I know nothing."

Updated at 9:56 a.m. June 21, 2026: This article was updated to include additional campaign spending by American Future.

Simpson underwent CPR at the track and an automated external defibrillator (AED) was also used before taking her to the hospital. LetsRun was the first to report the medical emergency.

The , who ran at the University of Colorado Boulder, was taking part in a community track event hosted by Sir Walter Running, with runners of all levels encouraged to attend. The event featured a chance to meet Simpson.

“We are incredibly grateful to the individuals who responded immediately, as well as EMS and the medical professionals who handled the situation with such care, urgency, and professionalism,” the “Sir Walter Running Team” wrote on Instagram on Wednesday.

The statement added that “Jenny is receiving excellent medical care, and our thoughts are with her and her family during this time.”

Simpson won the bronze medal in the 1,500 meters at the 2016 Rio de Janeiro Games. She also won the 1,500 at the 2011 world championships, along with silver medals in 2013 and 2017.

The new glut of spending in state legislative races had already soared past $1.4 million as of early June and will almost certainly increase in dramatic fashion before voting ends in the June 30 primary. The arms race — and spending race — is the latest in an ongoing conflict between outside groups backed primarily by business interests, who prefer more moderate Democrats, and the state’s largest unions, which have spent to support more progressive candidates.

The money battle follows a 2024 primary in which outside groups spent $5 million to influence the Democratic races. It’s part of a broader tug-of-war for control over Colorado’s dominant political party, which has grown into near-supermajority control of the state legislature.

This year’s spending is likely to focus on a handful of safe Democratic seats in and around metro Denver. As outside spending has grown in recent years, it has turned some of the safest blue seats in Colorado — like those in Denver — into some of the most expensive contests in the state.

As of Friday, a labor coalition had spent more than $570,000 since May 1 to help more-liberal candidates, while several competing interconnected spending committees had spent nearly double that to help moderates. Six PACS on the moderate side had already raised $769,000, all from two outside dark money groups that disclose few, if any, of their donors.

Most of the money, nearly $500,000, has come from a group called “Fair Economy for Coloradans,” which has no publicly disclosed donors. It was created in January by Scott Martinez, Denver’s former city attorney. Martinez did not return an email seeking comment.

The rest of the cash comes directly from One Main Street, a prominent financial player in Democratic primaries that favors business-friendly candidates over more progressive challengers.

All six political action committees were registered by Jimmy Dickson, who previously managed two state lawmakers’ campaigns, including that of then-Rep. Shannon Bird, who’s now running for Congress. Bird co-founded the Colorado Opportunity Caucus, a group of business-friendly Democratic lawmakers that’s been financially supported by One Main Street. Dickson, who lives in Durango, did not return a message seeking comment.

Martinez is also the registered agent for the Opportunity Caucus and has served as the caucus’s attorney. An email sent to Sen. Lindsey Daugherty, the co-chair of the caucus, and a caucus spokeswoman was not returned.

The six groups backed by One Main Street and Fair Economy — which, despite their financial backers, often seized on the term progressive — are:

• Denver Progressives United, which has run ads backing Denver Rep. Sean Camacho, of Denver, and attacking his challenger, Iris Halpern.
• Adams County United, which is backing Rep. Jacque Phillips, of Thornton, against Gabriel Cervantes.
• Colorado Mountain Progressives, which has directed attack ads against Rep. Mandy Lindsay, of Aurora, and has also spent money backing Chris Floyd for a vacant House seat in the high country, .
• Fighting For A Better Aurora, which is running ads against Rep. Jamie Jackson, also of Aurora.
• Promoting Progressive Women, which has also run ads against Lindsay.
• Progressive Leadership Fund, which has run ads backing Andrés Carrera against Chela Garcia Irlando for a soon-to-be vacant state Senate seat in Denver.

One of Denver Progressives United’s ads accuses Halpern, an attorney, of illegally lobbying, based on a complaint filed against her earlier this year. But that complaint was dismissed by the secretary of state’s office, as first reported by the Colorado Sun.

Halpern told The Denver Post that she’d sent Denver Progressives United a cease-and-desist letter to stop running the ads and had not received a response.

Just like in 2024, opposing the One Main Street-aligned groups is Colorado Labor Action, which discloses its donors and is financed by the state’s AFL-CIO and the Colorado Education Association. It’s spent more than $500,000 thus far to back Jackson, Garcia Irlando and Halpern, along with Rep. Kenny Nguyen of Broomfield, who found himself in One Main Street’s crosshairs after .

Colorado Labor Action has run ads attacking Camacho and Carrera, as well Anne Keke, who is running against Jackson, and Heidi Henkel, who’s running against Nguyen.

One Main Street has largely refused to reveal its donors, other than several minority donations from trade unions that it publicly reports. In 2022, it received $25,000 from the Apartment Association of Metro Denver. More recently, federal tax records show One Main Street has received donations from a group funded by the oil and gas industry.

During the 2024 round of well-moneyed primaries, One Main Street received $1 million from “.” That group, in turn, received $2.2 million from Chevron and $1.1 million from Coloradans for Responsible Energy Development, another oil and gas group. Tax filings show that One Main Street was the largest recipient of Coloradans for Progress’ funding that year.

Andrew Short, One Main Street’s executive director, did not return a message seeking comment about the primary campaigns. During the 2024 primary campaign, he denied to The Denver Post that One Main Street was funded by oil and gas interests.

Just like the 2024 primaries, statehouse primary spending is spread out and tangled between multiple groups: Fair Economy has also given $50,000 to the “Colorado Affordability Project,” which has been primarily funded by groups representing charter schools, real estate agents and hospitals. Millionaire Kent Thiry, who spent significant sums in the 2024 primaries to support more-moderate candidates, also donated $35,000 to the affordability project group.

Thus far, that committee has launched ads backing Camacho, Henkel, Carrera and Sarah Woodson, who is challenging Lindsay.

The skort is one of humankind’s greatest inventions — it’s versatile, comfortable and perfect for movement of all kinds, from pickleball to hiking or just a brisk walk on a hot day. Littleton-based FestaSports agrees. With a motto of “activewear for every body,” this Colorado company developed a sporty skort made especially for tennis and pickleball with options for a skort optimized for golf, hiking and beyond. Sizes range from XS to 3X, and these skorts (starting at $67) come in a ton of patterns and custom options. () — Beth Rankin

Trusted running shoes

I used to have a rule regarding running shoes: To avoid injuries, I would never buy a pair until my physical therapist watched me run on a treadmill, testing two or three brands, to identify the one that worked best with my biomechanics. That ended when Hoka began importing its shoes to the United States in 2010. My PT and I were confident that Hoka worked best for my mild pronation, and I’ve been running in them ever since. They have oversized midsoles that provide more cushioning than most running shoes while still providing sufficient stability, and they are surprisingly light. I also use their trail shoes for trail running and for hiking on smooth trails. Hokas are also popular with people who work on their feet, such as nurses. I swear by them. (Men’s and women’s running shoes start at $124, at ) — John Meyer

Tanner Original Batting Tee

Any real baseball player knows that hitting off the tee is not just for little kids learning the game. From high school to the pros, the best hitters spend countless hours with the tee, honing their swing. The Tanner tee is the most durable and reliable tee on the market. Its hand-rolled flex-top withstands years of hitting, and it has multiple height adjustments so you can work all areas of the zone. ($100, ) — Kyle Newman

Triple Play Records

A record store may sound like an unusual place for outdoor activities, but Triple Play Records in downtown Grand Junction is more than just a music shop. In addition to selling vinyl, it also sells disc golf equipment, such as discs and bags. The store even keeps beginner’s sets — complete with a driver, mid-range disc and putter — stocked to help newbies get into the sport. 530 Main St., Grand Junction, 970-243-3974 — Tiney Ricciardi

Quick release

Here’s the golf accessory you didn’t know you needed: a magnetic towel clip for your golf bag. A friend gave me one last season and it quickly became one of those things that everyone who sees me use it suddenly must have. A small caribiner hooks onto your golf bag. Hanging from it is a mini-golf-ball-shaped magnet. (Other designs are available, too, but that’s the cutest.) The bottom half of the “ball” is attached to another small caribiner, onto which your towel hooks. Need to wet your towel before a match? Just pull the halves of the metal ball apart and, voila, the towel slips off without fuss. Snap it back on and you’re quickly off in search of that elusive birdie. Find one version of it for $14.99 at — Barbara Ellis

Shop local

I’m a big believer in shopping local, where the employees are experts on the goods they sell. This applies to Road Runner Sports, where the person helping you pick out a running or walking shoe is also a runner. Quality, well-fitted shoes are important in preventing injury, so even if the pair you choose costs $10 to $20 more than what you would find at a big-box retailer, it’s still cheaper than a visit to an orthopedic clinic. Road Runner Sports has multiple locations across the Front Range, including Denver, Lakewood, Golden, Westminster and Lone Tree. — Noelle Phillips

All-Star Pro Elite Catcher’s Glove

Billed as the “most iconic mitt in professional baseball,” this glove is also perfect for the serious amateur player, whether it be a men’s leaguer, a high schooler or a youth ballplayer who is dedicated to his craft. The best catcher’s glove that money can buy, its pocket is true and its premium-grade Japanese steerhide leather stands the test of time. A must-have for all backstops. ($450, at or area retail stores.) — Kyle Newman

Try it before purchase

If you want a new tennis racquet or pickleball paddle, head to this local store to get expert guidance on what will work for your style of play. Here, you can test equipment by hitting balls against a wall inside the store. Once you narrow your choices to two or three racquets or paddles, Game-Set-Match allows its customers to put down a deposit and take those racquets home for one week to test on an actual court. Once you pick a favorite, the deposit applies to the purchase price after returning everything. This assures athletes get the racquet or paddle that will elevate their games. Game-Set-Match Inc. has two locations:  2480 S. Colorado Blvd. in Denver and 4800 Baseline Road, Suite D102, in Boulder. — Noelle Phillips

Haag Composite Wood Bat Model 73C

Most men’s baseball leagues are wood bat, so you’ll need a reliable stick. Haag Bat Company should be your choice. The company started in Parker about a quarter-century ago (since relocated to Georgia) and has been making high-quality, handcrafted wood bats ever since. Their composite bats pack pop and are extremely durable, breaking far less than the average wood bat. ($155, at ) — Kyle Newman

Golf gloves that last

How many pairs of golf gloves do you go through in one season? One of these Kirkland brand gloves, made from “premium Cabretta leather,” typically lasts me a full year — playing once or twice a week in season — and then some. With four in a package, it’ll typically be a while before I have to dip in for a new pair. (Four gloves, for left-handed or right-handed golfers, in sizes small through extra large, for $30, at or in stores.) — Barbara Ellis

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Pickleballs eventually crack or just wear out from getting pounded onto concrete. And we all know how plastic never breaks down in a landfill. Why not love both the game and the planet by using biodegradable balls? Komodo (, about $30 for eight balls) and Core Eco ( about $40 for 12) both make balls that meet the official standards of USA Pickleball. Also available at local retail stores, like Game, Set, Match. — Noelle Philips

The Republican gubernatorial candidate has attended only one debate alongside his two opponents. He’s never run for office before and has few prominent Republican officials backing him. His backstory is extensive and full of the sort of bizarre detail that, in a pre-Donald Trump world, would likely have caused his campaign to implode before it left the launchpad.

And after the June 30 primary, Marx very well may be Colorado Republicans’ candidate for governor.

“This is pretty wild,” he said recently, standing in front of his nonprofit’s indoor shooting range, a handgun holstered in his waistband. “Someone like me, running for governor.”

The comment appeared to come less from bewilderment at how far he’d come than from vindicated confidence. And it belied what has been a thoroughly, carefully atypical campaign — one that has leaned on the 60-year-old’s charm, his direct outreach to voters and his use of the now-familiar pitch of a political outsider who shares voters’ distaste for elected politicians and campaign-speak.

As he’s outraised other Republicans and seized headlines, Marx has also been bombarded with questions about his background from reporters and from skeptical conservatives.

He’s said he was forced to kill a man as a child and, when asked by , he replied, “Does it matter?” He once ran martial arts schools in Hawaii and is a black belt in “Cajun Karate,” a form of martial arts created by his dad, Karl.

He describes himself as a “high-risk humanitarian” who trains law enforcement and provides trauma relief to people in the United States and overseas, including in conflict zones. Another humanitarian confirmed that Marx was in Iraq a decade ago and that, though he was largely behind the front lines, he was present when medical workers came under fire at least twice.

Marx also talks frequently about praying to free people from demons that, , can be attracted by porn or unmarried couples living together. In one 2023 podcast, Marx and that, after his dog identified a supernatural presence in a couple at a pool, he set a woman free from “five demons that had been assigned to her.”

In an interview with The Denver Post, Marx said it didn’t matter if reporters believed him and that he was comfortable with scrutiny of his background, even as it’s drawn .

Voters will decide, he said, arguing that he was qualified because of their support.

“Judge us by the ability to run a campaign,” he said, “and look at the guy who’s never done it, nothing — but stepped into it, was aware of the problem and the need, (and) assessed what needed to be done to win. I have avoided some pitfalls of doing it the old way, but the action I’ve taken has broken records.”

Marx raised $2.67 million through late May, the most of any Republican gubernatorial candidate up to that point in at least 20 years. To get on the ballot, he submitted more than 28,000 signatures, more than any gubernatorial campaign since at least 2014. Those signatures were not verified because Marx earned ballot access through an assembly vote.

U.S. Rep. Lauren Boebert, who did not return messages seeking comment; musician Ted Nugent; three county sheriffs; and Mark Geist, who defended the U.S. embassy in Libya in 2012. (Marx’s campaign has also paid Geist and his wife for consulting and security work.)

Dick Wadhams, a former chairman of the state GOP and critic of Marx, said Marx had run “the strangest campaign I’ve seen in all the years I’ve been involved in this business.”

He argued that Marx’s beliefs about demons and his assertions that he’s helped tens of thousands of women and children — some amount of which he’s claimed to have rescued, alongside more he’s said he’s helped by providing them stuffed animals and trauma support — were so outlandish that they would cost the party in down-ballot races in November.

Kristi Burton Brown, another former state party chair, questioned Marx’s apparent disinterest in policy discussions and debates. His opponents, state Rep. Scott Bottoms and state Sen. Barb Kirkmeyer, have called him a fraud and a con man; both said they would not support him should he win the nomination.

‘New territory for a political campaign’

But Wadhams and Burton Brown both acknowledged that Marx’s campaign had proven successful, marshalling what Wadhams described as Marx’s  base of support and expanding it with direct mail and “very aggressive social media outreach.” Marx’s campaign has spent $725,000 on mailers — nearly what Kirkmeyer and Bottoms have raised combined — and he’s leaned into videos and podcast appearances.

When the moderator of one debate, a conservative talk show host, sent Marx a letter pressing him for specifics on his background, Marx skipped the event and organized a rally instead. His campaign later released photos showing more people had attended his event than the debate.

“We are in such new territory for a political campaign in Colorado — frankly, in the nation,” Wadhams said, incredulous at Marx’s TV interviews.

A quick look at the Colorado governor candidates running in this month’s Democratic, Republican primaries

Marx has eschewed dense policy discussions -- an intentional choice, he said, to let voters' eyes adjust to his background.

That hasn't been a concern for his supporters. Marx is likable, which is "gold" in politics, said Jeff Hunt, a conservative activist and radio host. He first met Marx at , where Marx teased his candidacy.

" 'He doesn't have policy chops' -- alright, well, he still outraises everybody," Hunt said. " 'He’s got a unique background' -- well, he’s still driving more people to his events. 'He won't debate' -- he still has energy and big rallies. (His opponents) are trying to figure out an angle. But when you're dealing with somebody who has such a big personality force, it����ap just not landing."

Hunt continued: "I've told him (that) if I was a political strategist, I would not ever have told him to tell the stories he has told or the things he has written about in his book ... That����ap part of the enjoyment I have in this whole process. Alright man, you are 100% yourself."

Marx has said he was the victim of profound abuse as a child. In his memoir, he wrote that his stepfather made him behead a cat at age 3. Marx wrote that at age 7, his stepfather put his hand around his own and forced him to shoot and kill a man. His stepfather, he alleges, then smeared blood on him and buried the man beneath the house.

The sheriff of Simpson County, Mississippi, where the shooting allegedly took place, did not respond to messages seeking comment.

A Marine veteran who moved to Colorado to work for Focus on the Family, Marx founded All Things Possible in 2003 "to reach people with the gospel of Jesus Christ through outreaches and crusades primarily to youth," according to the group's first tax filing. By 2024, ATP's annual revenue had surpassed $7.6 million.

A closer look at ministry

ATP has done outreach to youth in prisons and focused on "trauma response," Marx said, which includes handing out stuffed animals loaded with recorded prayers and songs. In an email, All Things Possible said the ministry was separate from Marx's campaign. Marx said he and his wife resigned from the group after he announced his candidacy.

But overlap remains: Marx's campaign address is at the ministry's training center outside of Colorado Springs, which is also the home he sold to the nonprofit for nearly $3 million in 2024. His campaign manager was also listed as an ATP board member on its most recent tax returns.

Marx has said he and his group have worked overseas, including in Iraq, Syria, Israel and southeast Asia. Its tax filings show it has spent more than $4.3 million on those efforts in recent years, though those documents also state ATP had no standing personnel or offices in those countries.

Dave Eubank, the American head of the Myanmar-based , said he met Marx in California roughly 15 years ago. He later invited Marx to Myanmar, where Eubank's group supports rebels and civilians caught in that nation's civil war.

The trip served as Marx's introduction to "high-risk humanitarianism."

Within a year, Marx asked if Eubank and his medics would like to go to Iraq to help civilians amid fighting between the Islamic State military group and Kurdish and Iraqi military units. Eubank said Marx's group funded his efforts.

"I think he came to Syria once while we were there, briefly, and then he came to Iraq multiple times while we were there," Eubank said, praising Marx as a friend and ally. "Usually it was during some lull in the fighting, but not always. He was in at least one ... maybe two engagements with us, when we were providing medical care when we came under direct fire."

Marx has also said he called in an airstrike on Islamic State militants. Eubank said he hadn't heard that story before it came up during Marx's 9News interview in late May. When Eubank was working in the Middle East, he said, the U.S. military had dropped smoke at his request to cover escaping civilians. (The Post sought comment on Marx's claims from U.S. Central Command, which oversees the Middle East. In an email, an unnamed representative said military officials "have nothing for you on this.")

Marx said ATP's goal is now to "equip and encourage" law enforcement . In a statement, Colorado Springs Police Lt. Korey Hutchinson, the lead investigator of the Colorado Internet Crimes Against Children Task Force, said his department "has not conducted any direct work or formal collaboration" with ATP.

"However, we have heard positive feedback from ICAC units and personnel across the country regarding the assistance and support they provide," Hutchinson said, referring to ATP's "wellness support for investigators of child exploitation crimes."

Marx said his group also helped train law enforcement involved in .

Abigail Meyer, spokeswoman for the U.S. Marshals Service, which led the operation, said that, "according to those who ran this operation," Marx's group was not involved.

Political outsider or not, in the gubernatorial campaign -- audits of the state budget, support for police and immigration enforcement, strict Medicaid work requirements, tax relief, school choice -- will be largely familiar to voters in the Republican primary.

His website's includes a number of questionable statutory and constitutional citations; one statute it references has been repealed, and another purports to link a constitutional prohibition on sex discrimination to homeowner's insurance spikes. He told The Post that the platform was written by an "attorney who did work for Elon Musk."

Marx said he's withholding some plans for the general election. Besides, he argued, the GOP primary wouldn't be decided on policy.

"I don't think Barb or Scott ... are three degrees different on policy positions (from me)," he said, referring to Kirkmeyer and Bottoms. The real difference, he argued, will be who can convince voters they can win.

"And I think, just naturally, I'm comfortable in that arena."

Doctoral student Bradley Needles studies performance-running footwear in a CU Boulder lab with professor Alena Grabowski. The two study advanced footwear technology, also known as “super shoes.” A super shoe is a highly advanced, race-day running shoe engineered with a thick foam midsole and an embedded stiff carbon-fiber plate combined with a rocking design.

Needles and Grabowski have found that when runners of all types put on these shoes, they use less energy to run, resulting in faster times. Their  on May 26 measured the running economy of runners wearing advanced spikes, or track shoes. Runners came to their lab, and the researchers recorded their running economy, a measure of the energy cost of running that����ap the running equivalent of the miles per gallon of a car.

“We found that (the runners) are about 2.1% more efficient while wearing this newer style of shoes compared to what they would have worn prior to 2020,” Needles said.

The original super shoe, the Nike Zoom Vaporfly 4%, got its name from a study at CU Boulder. It found that, on average, people who wore the shoe used 4% less energy while running. That could put a sub-two-hour marathon within reach, the authors predicted in 2017.

The authors were proved right on April 26, when 29-year-old Sabastian Sawe of Kenya in 1 hour, 59 minutes, 30 seconds, becoming the first person to ever run an official 26.2-mile race in under two hours. Just 11 seconds behind Sawe was Ethiopia’s Yomif Kejelcha, who also finished the race in under 2 hours, becoming the second person to run an official sub-two-hour marathon. Both athletes wore the Adizero Adios Pro Evo 3, which are made by Adidas and retail for $500.

“It����ap a fun time to be around and see records being broken, not only from the capability of the athlete, but also from the footwear that they’re using,” Grabowski said.

The exciting thing is, Needles said, their research suggests that anyone can benefit from wearing these high-performance shoes. Most shoe brands have developed versions of the super shoes that are available at retail stores, typically costing $200 to $300 at full price. When choosing a shoe, Needles said, the body is a good judge of what will work well.

“The good thing is most shoe companies have caught up and these super shoes or advanced footwear technology shoes, they are all really, really good, which is exciting,” Needles said. “I’d say if something feels good to you when you try it on, it����ap probably going to benefit you quite a bit, from our experience.”

Moving forward, the two plan to study what exactly it is about these super shoes that allows people to run faster, hoping to identify the exact mechanism at work. They also hope to explore how surfaces, such as a road or a track, can influence performance.

.

But though some of their party, it’s far less certain if that discontent is strong enough — or focused enough — to pull off a seismic upset against Hickenlooper, the former brewpub owner and onetime Denver mayor and Colorado governor now finishing his first term in the Senate.

Gonzales’ progressive bona fides in Denver and the state Capitol will have to overcome Hickenlooper’s experience, his comparably vast fundraising and the inherent advantage that comes from being a fixture of Colorado’s political scenery.

“There doesn’t seem to be a whole lot of collective outrage at Colorado’s incumbents — like John Hickenlooper, like (fellow U.S. Sen.) Michael Bennet,” said Seth Masket, a political scientist at the University of Denver. “We’ll see what actually happens in the election. But that����ap really Gonzales’ best ticket to office — if there’s a lot of anger for incumbents seeming too complacent nationally or not willing to fight hard enough against the Trump administration.”

Gonzales, a 43-year-old two-term state senator from Denver, has framed her candidacy in large part as a progressive critique and challenge to the Democratic Party’s more moderate standard-bearers, like Hickenlooper.

“Does Colorado want to continue with more of the same, go-along-to-get-along politics?” said Gonzales, whose legislative work has focused on immigrant rights and progressive staples like tenant protections. “… Over the past six years, (Hickenlooper) has not met that moment in responding to (voters’ economic) pain — versus my track record, where I have shown up, done the work, advanced progressive and durable policy that has made concrete impacts on people’s lives.”

Hickenlooper, in contrast, repeatedly spoke of his candidacy — and his desired return to office — as laser-focused on responding to President Donald Trump. In a phone call last week, he didn’t acknowledge Gonzales and sidestepped a question about anti-incumbency feelings among Democratic voters.

He said his campaign was about “fighting back” against the president and responding to healthcare cuts and the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown. He highlighted his own extensive experience as mayor and governor, and his work in helping to pass the

“Right now, with Trump in office, that����ap what we need,” said Hickenlooper, who raised $40.7 million in 2020 on his way to defeating Republican U.S. Sen. Cory Gardner. “We need that experience of being focused on his lawlessness and combating his reckless attacks on our traditions, on the American way.”

The primary election is June 30, and mail ballots will be sent to voters beginning Monday. Both Democratic and unaffiliated voters can weigh in on the race.

The winner of the Democratic contest will face off in November against state Sen. Mark Baisley, of Woodland Park, who is running unopposed in the Republican primary.

In a nod to the progressive messaging adopted by both Hickenlooper and Gonzales’ campaigns, Baisley said they appeared to be trying to “out-liberal the other person.” He, too, was hoping to harness voter dissatisfaction — albeit in a far more conservative direction — to fuel what would be an upset win in November.

“There has been such a long run of single-party control in Colorado that everyone’s realizing that their freedoms have been curtailed in an enormous way,” he said.

Hickenlooper seeks a final term

Now age 74, Hickenlooper’s potential second term would end a month before his 81st birthday. He has already said he wouldn’t run for a third term, and he told The Denver Post that he would serve the entirety of his second term, should he be reelected.

“We’re going to have to rebuild better,” he said of his plans for a second term, echoing a slogan from the early years of Democratic President Joe Biden’s administration. He has called for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to be overhauled, and he’s backed broad reforms to the agency’s practices. “That����ap part of what I’m committing to, in my six years — I think we cannot just build back what we had, but build back in a much better form from what we should’ve had.”

Gonzales has served in the legislature since her election in 2018. A Yale University graduate, she was an organizer and worked for a prominent immigration law firm in Denver.

She said she would support “Medicare For All,” a proposal that typically means single-payer health insurance coverage for all Americans in a program run by the government. To achieve its passage and other reforms, she would advocate for ending the Senate’s filibuster, the rule that requires at least 60 senators to agree to end debate and move to a vote. She supports expanding the U.S. Supreme Court and instituting term limits for both justices and federal lawmakers.

She said she would not support U.S. Sen. Chuck Schumer of New York to continue on as the Democratic leader. She also said she would not support sending any military aid to Israel.

“I’m not only going to talk about standing up to Trump,” she said. “I also want to share the vision where all Coloradans can thrive.”

Hickenlooper said he supported giving Americans “universal (health insurance) coverage” but did not commit to supporting Medicare for All specifically. He highlighted to increase healthcare pricing transparency.

He said he was open to court reforms that would include term limits and a set number of appointments per presidential administration. Asked about Schumer, he said that he didn’t think the New York senator wanted to continue as minority leader and that other, younger lawmakers were interested.

He noted that the filibuster had prevented some Republican priorities from passing under the Trump administration, but he said he wasn’t “ruling out addressing the filibuster.” In 2021, he said he wanted to “change the filibuster” to pass voting rights legislation.

Hickenlooper recently voted against sending bulldozers and some munitions to Israel. Campaign spokesman Jess Cohen said Hickenlooper “would continue to vote against weapons that fuel the war,” which Cohen said included the conflicts in Iran, the Gaza Strip and Lebanon.

Scant polling has been released about the race. showed Hickenlooper with a 32-point lead — 45% to 13% — over Gonzales, with his other challengers in the low single digits. Thirty-seven percent of respondents were unsure.

But the race tightened significantly after the respondents — 739 likely Democratic primary voters — were read “neutral-to-positive” biographies of the candidates. Those biographies were not included in the poll release. The results had a margin of error of plus or minus 4 percentage points.

Gonzales faces name ID disparity

When it comes to fundraising, meanwhile, Hickenlooper has been dominant.

, the most recent reporting deadline, he had raised $5.7 million in total contributions and had more than $4 million in the bank. Gonzales, who entered the race in December, had raised $443,000 by March 31 and had just over $114,000 on hand, .

The fundraising disparity will make it harder for Gonzales to increase her name recognition across the state, already at a deficit against a well-known figure like Hickenlooper. Hickenlooper is taking the race seriously enough that he’s running ads to support his campaign, Masket noted. But the strength of his name recognition alone presents a formidable challenge.

“That’s hard, particularly against someone like Hickenlooper, who’s been in public life in Denver and Colorado for several decades now, and he was a popular governor, a popular mayor,” he said. “That’s very hard to overcome.”

Gonzales has criticized Hickenlooper’s support for several Trump cabinet nominees; , the third-most among Democratic senators.

He voted against 13 cabinet nominees last year, according to Ballotpedia, and Hickenlooper said he’d voted against 96% of Trump’s appointments overall. He said he wouldn’t vote again for any of the nominees he did support.

“I thought they would push back on the president,” he said. “I thought that a good executive — even a bad executive — if they get a senior staff that challenges them and pushes back, they make better decisions. … And yet this group of appointees, not one of them have come outside their shell and pushed back.”

To offset the fundraising disparity in the campaign, Gonzales has launched a statewide tour, and she earned her place on the ballot at the party’s statewide assembly earlier this spring. (Hickenlooper initially participated before withdrawing from the assembly process, instead filing petitions to make the ballot.)

Last month, Gonzales appeared , a leftist personality who has backed progressive Democratic candidates in other states. On Wednesday, Gonzales’ campaign announced that she and Melat Kiros, who is hoping to ride a similar upset wave and unseat longtime incumbent U.S. Rep. Diana DeGette of Denver, would participate in a Denver rally with Piker on June 14.

Standing outside the Hudson facility’s empty parking lot, Bennet, who is running to become the Democratic nominee for governor, said he would partner with state legislators to . The law gives local governments more regulatory and planning authority over matters of statewide impact.

Those powers have typically been used for large projects that happen within a county or city’s boundaries — like airports, mining or water infrastructure — but Bennet said he wanted to expand them to also allow local governments to “say no” to detention centers. He is running in the June 30 Democratic primary against Attorney General Phil Weiser.

“Colorado will not become home to Donald Trump’s cruel immigration agenda,” he said of the president from a lectern in front of the Hudson Correctional Facility.

Since last year, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials have considered reopening the former private prison northeast of Denver for immigration detention.

If Bennet’s proposal became law and could be used to slow down the opening of new facilities, it would require county officials to make use of it. Kelly Flenniken, the executive director of Colorado Counties Inc., a local government association, did not return messages seeking comment Tuesday, nor did a statewide group that represents county attorneys.

Bennet acknowledged that it “would be very hard” to stop the Hudson facility from reopening as a detention center, echoing what . The facility — and the land it sits upon — is privately owned and has already served as a prison.

Colorado is home to one immigration detention center, owned and operated by the private prison company Geo Group. But as part of Trump’s plan to arrest and deport millions of immigrants without legal status, the federal government has sought to dramatically increase its detention capacity nationwide. ICE has said it wants to add hundreds more beds in Colorado.

Planning documents obtained last year by the Washington Post identified two shuttered private prisons — in Hudson and Walsenburg — as expansion sites, and members of Colorado’s congressional delegation were told in August that ICE planned to open the Hudson prison, which has been closed for more than a decade.

also indicated that ICE issued a nearly $40 million letter contract to the Geo Group last June for the facility, which ICE calls the “Big Horn Correctional Facility.”

But months later, the fate of the facility remains unclear.

Bryce Lange, Hudson’s town manager, said Tuesday that he recently called Highlands REIT, the real estate investment trust that is the owner of the dormant prison, for an update because he’d heard rumors about its status.

“The owner stated that they don’t have a contract signed with anyone to open an ICE detention facility in Hudson,” Lange wrote in an email. He added that he believed the company was interested in leasing the space “to any entity that might be interested — including the state of Colorado, if they need additional capacity.”

The Highlands trust, which is based in Chicago, did not return a message seeking comment Tuesday. In an unsigned statement, the Department of Homeland Security said the agency has “no new detention centers to announce at this time.”

state or local officials from entering into agreements with private companies to open or operate immigration detention centers, or from selling companies’ land for that purpose. said that if he was elected, he would issue an executive order “reconfirming Colorado’s prohibition on the use of state land for new immigration detention centers.”

Earlier this year, Colorado lawmakers requiring regular and more intensive inspections of detention facilities. That bill is awaiting outgoing Gov. Jared Polis’ signature for passage into law.

That side of the sport is well served by a wealth of local running clubs that cater to runners of all shapes, sizes, ages and goals.

“I think it����ap become something you do not only to get your exercise in, but you’re realizing, ‘This is fun. Let����ap go out and do it with friends. Let����ap make this a social evening,”’ said Colfax Marathon chief executive Andrea Dowdy. “Running has become a very inclusive sport. It is no longer just about, ‘I want to get a PR.’ It����ap, ‘I want to go out and have some fun with my friends, maybe go out (after a group run) for a bite to eat or a beverage.’”

Bolder Boulder race director Cliff Bosley has noticed that dynamic in his own family, which has stewarded Colorado’s largest road race since its inception in 1979.

“My daughter, who is 28, has said that running is the best way to meet people because it’s sharing fitness, an interest in being outdoors, being active and healthy, and finding like-minded people,” Bosley said.

Below is a short list of long-established clubs in the greater Denver area. For more, check out the :

�ճ���� is the oldest running club in Denver with roots reaching back to 1959. RMRR is best known for its Trophy Series, a series of monthly races at various distances with a handicap system. That is, after establishing their handicap, the slowest runners start first, and the fastest runners go off last. In theory, it gives everyone a chance to “win” by reaching the finish line first. Racers also accumulate points through the year, based on their finish results, for season-ending trophies. Races are free for members. The annual membership fee is $50 ($75 for a family). Membership also comes with discounts at other races and running stores.

�ճ����, founded in 1979, caters to serious competitors and casual recreational runners alike. It supports competitive teams in road racing, cross country and track. In the summer, it hosts a series of five All-Comers track and field meets on the track at the University of Colorado, which has produced several Olympic runners over the years, as well as the Mile High Mile, one of BRR’s signature events. It also hosts casual Sunday morning group runs. Individual memberships are $35 annually ($50 for families).

, founded in 2000, was Denver’s first trail running club. Members meet for runs year-round on Thursday evenings and Sunday mornings, usually in the foothills. Locations include Golden, Evergreen, Morrison, Deer Creek, White Ranch, North Table Mountain and Centennial Cone. There is no membership fee. The best way to get more information is to check them out on Facebook or Strava.

is a women’s trail running club that welcomes runners of all paces and abilities. The group hosts “no-drop runs” (meaning nobody gets left behind) on Thursdays at 6:15 p.m., generally covering three to six miles, followed by hangouts at local breweries or restaurants. “Focused on camaraderie as much as miles, Trail Sisters welcomes anyone looking to build community on the trails,” said club leader Brit Sliter. Weekly run locations, mileage, and details can be found on their website.

Another club for women, the , dates back to 1978. It organizes Saturday and Sunday group runs, weekly track workouts led by a paid professional coach, group trips to out-of-state races and themed fun runs. Memberships cost $40. “We have 20-year-olds that are coming out here for racing, and we have a lady who is 87 who is fighting liver cancer,” said club president Liz Couture. “Welcoming all ages makes it so you can join the club and stay in it. There’s always a group, whether you’re competitive or you’re just out there to walk and (enjoy) socializing.”

Coinciding with America’s first running boom, they were joined by countless recreational runners of all shapes, sizes, goals and race paces.

Five decades later, the Front Range racing scene continues to thrive. That the Bolder Boulder Memorial Day 10K was the third-largest road race in the U.S. last year, with 45,142 finishers — exceeded only by the New York City Marathon and the Chicago Marathon — speaks volumes about Colorado’s ongoing love affair with running and racing. It was an 8.8% increase over 2024, too.

“Isn’t that great?” said Bolder Boulder race director Cliff Bosley, whose father Steve co-founded the race in 1979 with Olympic marathon champion Frank Shorter. “Boulder is the epicenter of running, or one of them, in the country. I think it also speaks to the unique experience that the Bolder Boulder is, even 45 years after its founding.”

Here are five races you should strongly consider running in 2026, with some compelling reasons why we love them:

There is the beautiful setting at the foot of the Flatirons, the stadium finish at Folsom Field, costumes, water slides and live music along the 6.2-mile route. Because it’s Boulder, even the recreational runners post finish times unmatched elsewhere in American road racing. But there is also a solemn Memorial Day observance after the race. Many runners take part to honor friends and family members who gave the ultimate sacrifice for their country — or those currently serving in the armed forces — by wearing special bibs as tribute. After the race — taking place Monday, May 25 — thousands of runners remain in the stadium to witness ceremonies that honor fallen veterans and heroic veterans still living.

This event, which includes a half-marathon, 10-miler, half-marathon relay and a 5K in addition to the 26.2-mile title event, marked its 20th edition the weekend of May 16-17, attracting more than 28,000 runners.  “Registrations are going hog wild,” chief executive Andrea Dowdy noted in January. “Everybody wants to run the anniversary years. We are seeing huge numbers.” Colfax saw 22,730 finishers last year, an increase of 6% over 2024. The half-marathon event has sold out several years in a row. All races begin and end in City Park.

Like the Bolder Boulder, the Georgetown-Idaho Springs half was founded in 1979 when running was just becoming a mass participation sport. Widely considered one of America’s most scenic half marathons, the race begins with a lap around scenic Georgetown Lake at 8,500 feet, then heads downhill on a gently rolling course to finish at 7,500 feet on historic Miner Street in the heart of Idaho Springs. Even though the race generally parallels Interstate 70, runners seldom notice the highway. It’s not only a beautiful run, but a peaceful one, too. This year’s race is scheduled for Aug. 8.

One of the area’s most popular running events, the races unfold on the scenic Platte River Trail. The half-marathon and relay begin at Reynolds Landing in Littleton and head north through Englewood and Sheridan to Denver before returning to the finish at Reynolds Landing with a post-race party at Breckenridge Brewery. The 5K distance is new this year. Race day is April 12.

: OK, the home team hasn’t won a lot in recent years, but everyone’s a winner in this 5K race, which includes a lap around the warning track inside Coors Field. Because it’s only 3.1 miles, it’s a great race for families with young children. This year’s date: May 9.