At an economic town hall meeting in St. Petersburg, Florida, on the first of August, Barack Obama was heckled by young black militants holding up a banner that read, “What about the black community, Obama?” When given the opportunity to question him, they accused the Democratic presidential candidate of never speaking out on issues such as the Sean Bell shooting, the Jena 6 affair, and other incidents that they called “attacks on the black community.”
Responding, Obama pointed out that he has in fact spoken out on such matters and added that his goal was to unite Americans across all racial and ethnic lines on the basis of equality.
There is an irony here. To most of us the word “militant” means angry, demanding people who want everything now. But we feel that these militants did not demand enough. Issues such as police brutality against individual blacks need to be addressed, of course, but what they don’t seem to understand is that, unlike Jim Crow and racial discrimination, which were directed specifically at blacks, the basic problems facing blacks today-unemployment, lack of health insurance, inadequate housing, mortgage foreclosures, and the shortage of high quality education-are problems affecting all racial and ethnic groups and middle and working class Americans. For example, unemployment is at a five year high at 5.7%. Two things can be said about this.
First, it affects African Americans (9.7%) and Latinos (7.4%) disproportionately. Second, it is also a serious problem for whites (unemployed at 5.1%) and especially members of the moderate and low-income white working class, who have few reserves to fall back on. Here Obama falls somewhat short, too. Certainly, he has addressed these Areas. Forging unity across group boundaries is at the center of his message.
But Obama needs to sharpen his message of unity and change. Regarding change, he must take his list of social and economic proposals and convert it to a thematic whole that is greater than the sum of its parts, namely, a coherent, unified message whose focus is change for the benefit of the majority of Americans who are neither wealthy nor powerful, a message that is both specific and inspiring. Such a program would benefit African Americans and other minorities who have been disproportionately affected by economic and social realities while simultaneously addressing the needs of middle income working and poor Americans.
As for unity, Obama has to hone that concept and bring it to a political level forming a coalition which emphasizes the mutual interest among these groups.
Some people have urged Obama to avoid race issues, but they miss the point. By addressing such matters with a fighting program of employment training, job creation, universal healthcare, the construction of decent housing and so on, Obama would not be ignoring the problems of blacks and other minorities, but appropriating those problems in a way that speaks to a majority of Americans-including precisely the working class whites whose votes Obama had difficulty attracting in the primaries.
And there lies the nucleus of the majority coalition that he needs which also includes religious and fraternal groups, trade unions, and other progressive organizations along with the young people whom Obama has galvanized.
Today, Obama will give his acceptance speech at the Democratic National Convention in Denver. That would be an excellent time to inaugurate the approach we propose: a focus on socioeconomic issues that can generate a winning multiracial vote. That date is especially appropriate because it is the 45th anniversary of the great March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom where Martin Luther King Jr. made his famous “I Have a Dream” speech.
The march was initiated by A. Philip Randolph, the great black labor and civil rights leader and organized by Bayard Rustin, the incisive civil rights theorist and strategist. The March helped to create the climate that produced the most comprehensive civil rights legislation in our history. The March’s goals were full employment as well as racial equality because Randolph and Rustin knew that achieving racial equality was inextricably tied to solving economic and social problems that disproportionately impact blacks.
Unquestionably, Obama will make a riveting speech at the Democratic Party Convention. But it will be even better and politically more effective if he revives Randolph and Rustin’s understanding that an alliance centered on minorities and white workers is the key to creating a majority coalition for a progressive agenda.
Norman Hill was staff coordinator at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in 1963 and is President Emeritus of the A. Philip Randolph Institute. Velma Hill is a longtime Civil Rights and Trade Union activist and member of the A. Philip Randolph Institute advisory board.
