The industry reacted with a mix of optimism and confusion on Thursday, after U.S. Attorney General Todd Blanche signed an order immediately rescheduling medical marijuana from the most restrictive Schedule I classification to the less restrictive Schedule III. The order also put FDA-approved cannabis products into Schedule III.

While industry insiders said formally recognizing the medical value of marijuana marks progress, the effects of rescheduling are not as widespread as cannabis purveyors had hoped they would be after President Donald Trump signed an executive order last December directing the Drug Enforcement Administration to reclassify the plant.

The move also essentially splits the market in states that have legalized weed for both medical and recreational consumers.

Recreational weed, also called “adult use” in Colorado, remains a Schedule I substance in the eyes of the federal government, though the DEA is expected to start discussing whether marijuana should more broadly be reclassified in June.

“Trying to bifurcate a plant — one substance — into two different schedules doesn’t make a lot of sense to me. Cannabis is cannabis, and under the Controlled Substances Act, there are certain criteria that have to be met in order for a substance to be in a particular schedule,” said Rachel Gillette, head of the cannabis and psychedelics group at the Holland & Hart law firm. “What’s clear to me is that, especially by this order, marijuana has medical applications and therefore does not qualify as a Schedule I substance.”

“There are still significant questions about how this policy will work in practice — particularly when it comes to the distinction between cannabis regulated under state medical programs and cannabis sold through adult-use markets,” said Chuck Smith, CEO of trade group Colorado Leads, in a statement. “Clarity on how federal agencies will treat these different segments of the industry will be critical for businesses, regulators, and consumers alike.”

Gov. Jared Polis applauded the order for enabling the expansion of cannabis research and reducing unnecessary barriers for legitimate businesses.

“It����ap high time the federal government is finally catching up to states like Colorado that have led on safe, regulated medical and adult-use cannabis,” Polis said in a statement. “There is still more work to be done to fully deschedule cannabis and end the disconnect between federal law and what����ap working on the ground in a super-majority of states, but today’s decision is a step in the right direction.”

The most immediate effect of reclassification is expected to bolster the bottom line for cannabis companies that hold medical licenses. Those operators will be permitted to deduct certain operating expenses from taxable gross income that were previously prohibited, such as payroll, rent, utilities and insurance. That����ap because the federal tax code, in section 280E, dictates that companies working with Schedule I or Schedule II substances are prohibited from deducting many standard business expenses.

“That sounds very small and arcane, but that has been one of the big stumbling blocks for industry,” said Sam Kamin, law professor at the University of Denver.

Relief from that tax burden would be significant. Most state-licensed marijuana businesses pay an effective tax rate of 70% to 80%, which is approximately twice the rate paid by other legal businesses, according to Colorado Leads.

Still, that relief wouldn’t reach the majority of Colorado companies. Since recreational marijuana sales began in 2014, the number of companies holding medical licenses has steadily declined. As of January, there were 281 licensed medical dispensaries in the state compared to 687 recreational stores, according to the Marijuana Enforcement Division. When looking at the number of cultivations, there were 207 medical compared to 478 recreational.

Complicating matters further is the fact that some companies, like marijuana manufacturer Spherex, hold both medical and recreational licenses. Chief revenue officer Ryan Hunter said it remains unclear how exactly the company would leverage the financial benefits of rescheduling.

“Some brilliant accountant is going to have to tell us how this all goes,” he said.

Beyond the tax breaks, Hunter said it was “disappointing” that rescheduling was limited to medical cannabis because there is nothing that distinguishes the plant from adult-use except having a doctor’s prescription.

“We’re talking about a controlled substance; the substance itself now has three different treatments within the federal government, and none of them are logical,” Hunter said. The third treatment he’s referring to is hemp, which is also a cannabis plant but was removed from the drug schedule and regulated as an agricultural commodity in 2018.

The long-term impacts on the local industry may be determined by the DEA’s next steps. Brian Vicente, partner at Vicente LLP, is optimistic that this week’s rescheduling is an incremental movement toward de-scheduling and maybe even legalizing marijuana altogether.

“It����ap certainly a massive step for the federal government to acknowledge the medical value and the inherent effectiveness of state-run medical cannabis programs, so I think the next move after that… will be some sort of move toward acknowledging adult-use and having similar protections there,” Vicente said.

If the agency drags its feet, however, it����ap possible Colorado could see a resurgence in the medical market, Kamin said. In 2024, health officials in the Biden administration recommended that the DEA reschedule marijuana, but the issue stalled out in administrative hearings, and reclassification never came to fruition.

Trump reclassifies state-licensed medical marijuana as a less-dangerous drug in a historic shift

“For business people, they have to wonder, is this where we’re going to be for 5 years or 10 years? Or is it a 6-month solution until all marijuana is moved to Schedule III?” Kamin said. “If it����ap the former, these businesses are going to scramble, say, 'We have to convert to medical, we have to emphasize medical, we have to encourage our clients to get medical marijuana cards.' It will just be so much more financially advantageous to be on the medical side than on the recreational side for as long as these regulations are in place.”

One outstanding question Gillette has is about homegrowers, who don’t need a license to grow personal marijuana plants in Colorado. “Hypothetically, if you're growing your own marijuana in your basement, you don't have a state license, you can’t apply under the federal registration program. If you give it to your buddy, are you now a trafficker of Schedule I or Schedule III?” she said. "I don't know."

While Gillette and other advocates were encouraged by the rescheduling, they maintained that there are ultimately more questions than answers about the move.

“If they have this expedited hearing related to the broader rescheduling of cannabis, then maybe this problem will be solved in relatively short order, but it is going to create a lot of complications for businesses that either operate solely in the adult use market or businesses that hold dual licenses,” she said. “It����ap strange.”

The suspects — all current or former residents of Denver, Aurora, Commerce City and Wheat Ridge — are facing charges of conspiracy to distribute and possession with intent to distribute meth, fentanyl and cocaine, federal officials said in a news release.

Law enforcement officers arrested Dario Perez Quintero, 34; Guadalupe Mendoza Martinez, 46; Pedro Mendoza Martinez, 54; Abimael Felix Luque, 32; David Uvaldo Mora Sanchez, 32; Hector Joel Quijada Portillo, 30; Oscar Noel Ruelas Molina, 44; and Jose Alexis Guzman Felix, 30, this week, according to court records.

The indictment, filed Tuesday, includes additional charges related to drug possession and distribution, illegal firearm possession and money laundering, but it does not detail how investigators determined the eight suspects were identified as being involved in the scheme.

They face up to life in prison if convicted on the first count of conspiracy to distribute and possession with intent to distribute, federal officials said.

The case was investigated by multiple federal agencies through the Homeland Security Task Force, including Homeland Security Investigations, the FBI, Drug Enforcement Administration, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, and Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

Oscar Serrano Romano and Enrique Delgadillo Ruiz were arrested Dec. 18.

As part of the investigation, the Northern Colorado Drug Task Force and the Drug Enforcement Administration’s Front Range Task Force executed search warrants for apartments in Thornton, Aurora and Westminster. During the search of the Thornton apartment, officers found several duffel bags containing bundled packages of suspected methamphetamine, cocaine and fentanyl, according to an affidavit from the 17th Judicial District Attorney’s Office.

Officers reported finding bags they believed were being used to distribute drugs. They also found a parking pass for an apartment in Thornton where Ruiz was staying, according to the affidavit.

Investigators obtained a search warrant for the second apartment on Dec. 18. They said they found a duffel bag containing suspected counterfeit fentanyl pills, cocaine, methamphetamine and heroin. Officers also found clear bags of suspected cocaine, an undetermined amount of money and a notebook that appeared to be handwritten daily logs of drug sales.

Both suspects face charges that include possession with intent to manufacture or distribute a controlled substance and conspiracy to manufacture or distribute a controlled substance.

The pair scheduled to appear Tuesday afternoon in Adams County District Court.

These critics had a point, that is, until The Washington Post , a potential war crime no less. Turns out, the video’s warning about illegal orders was right on target.

Whether the episode will garner the bipartisan scrutiny it deserves, time will tell. Republicans in Congress have been hesitant to criticize the Trump administration, fearing retribution — a Trump-backed primary opponent, an agency investigation, or a lawsuit.

With President Trump’s approval rating dropping to a near-low of 36% in the most recent Gallop poll, they might find the courage to defy their leader. Let����ap hope so. The illegal order exposed by The Washington Post isn’t the only one worth questioning.

According to the news story, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth commanded “kill them all” before a September 2 military strike on an alleged drug boat that slew 11, including two who survived the first strike and were clinging to the wreckage. Firing upon shipwrecked combatants is a violation of the Geneva Conventions and the Department of Defense’s own Law of War Manual.

Hegseth assailed the allegation as “fake news” on a social media post that also boasted “Biden coddled terrorists, we kill them.” He was referring to the 80-plus suspected drug traffickers whose boats the military has blown up in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific since early September.

Hegseth also tweeted a meme of Franklin the Turtle firing missiles at drug boats further undermining his credibility and assuring him another cameo on South Park. The Canadian publisher of Franklin the Turtle has since condemned the misuse of their children’s storybook character to depict violence. Later, Hegseth tried to distance himself from the incident, claiming he had left the room after the first strike, and then by saying the “fog of war” prevented him from seeing the survivors.

U.S. House and Senate Armed Services Committees have opened investigations into the incident. To do it justice, they need to examine the wider situation. While killing the incapacitated is a war crime, we have not declared war on Venezuela. Moreover, the alleged drug traffickers targeted by these missiles are not soldiers; they are civilians. They pose no imminent threat to troops. Labeling them “narco-terrorists” doesn’t negate military rules of engagement. Even if they are guilty of drug trafficking, killing them isn’t a justifiable use of the military power. Their deaths are extrajudicial executions.

And if they aren’t guilty? This week, the family of a Colombian man who was killed in a strike made an official complaint against the U.S. with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. He was a fisherman, they say, the primary breadwinner for a family of six and they want compensation for their loss. It����ap hard to secure evidence of guilt or innocence post-obliteration. Bomb first, ask questions later doesn’t work.

There are lawful ways to intercept drugs and bring drug traffickers to justice that assure due process, protect the innocent, and maintain the integrity of the armed forces. The U.S. Coast Guard, the Drug Enforcement Administration, and the U.S. Border Patrol regularly seize illicit drugs and arrest smugglers who are then prosecuted in federal courts.

One such drug trafficker, Juan Orlando Hernández, former president of Honduras, was arrested by the DEA in 2022, extradited to the U.S., tried, and convicted of moving more than 400 tons of cocaine into the U.S. Although sentenced to 45 years in prison, he walked free this week thanks to a pardon by President Donald Trump.

During the upcoming hearings on Hegseth’s “kill them all” moment, senators and representatives should inquire why suspected, low-level smugglers get death without due process and convicted kingpins walk.

They should also ask Hegseth if he plans to bomb civilian targets on the Venezuelan mainland, as Trump alluded to this week.

Is the man who renamed the Department of Defense, the Department of War, itching to start one? Is he aware that only Congress has the authority to declare war? If not, the committee could take the opportunity to show the secretary a recently-released video about the military’s responsibility to uphold the law and the Constitution.

Krista Kafer is a Sunday Denver Post columnist.

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Colorado agents alone seized more than 665,000 potentially deadly pills and 2.41 kilograms of fentanyl powder, the equivalent of 1.2 million lethal doses, DEA Rocky Mountain Field Division Special Agent in Charge David Olesky said.

The division’s other three states — Utah, Montana and Wyoming — seized another 387,000 pills and 1.04 kilograms of powder, about 520,000 lethal doses, according to the DEA.

Fentanyl is a deadly synthetic opioid that����ap pressed into counterfeit pills or mixed into heroin, cocaine and other street drugs. Federal officials believe 76,516 people died from drug overdoses between May 2024 and April 2025, according to the .

While that����ap a 24.5% decline nationally from the 12 months prior, Olesky said that overdoses in Denver remain “on record pace.”

“Most folks would never choose to do fentanyl,” Olesky said. “We really refer to the deaths that are happening around the country as poisonings because folks don’t know what they’re taking.”

As of Sept. 14, the date the was last updated, the city had seen a 22.1% increase in overdose deaths from that time in 2024.

Olesky described the October initiative, , as “comprehensive, blunt force,” where agents focused on cases with more immediate impacts “on a national and international level to disrupt the fentanyl supply chain.”

The ramped-up enforcement operations in October were unrelated to recent strikes on drug boats near Venezuela, Rocky Mountain Field Division spokesperson Steffan Tubbs said in an email to The Denver Post.

“Fentanyl Free America represents DEA’s unwavering commitment to save American lives and end the fentanyl crisis,” DEA Administrator Terrance Cole said in a statement. “DEA is striking harder and evolving faster to dismantle the foreign terrorists fueling this crisis, while empowering all our partners to join the fight to prevent fentanyl-related tragedies.”

The operation does not include the recent discovery of 1.7 million counterfeit fentanyl pills in a Douglas County storage unit, the largest DEA seizure in Colorado history and the sixth-largest on U.S. record.

In the last two years, the amount of fentanyl pills seized by the DEA containing potentially lethal doses dropped by nearly 50%, according to data from the agency. Just under 30% of pills tested by the DEA in the 2025 fiscal year contained a “potential lethal dose” of fentanyl, 2 milligrams or more, Olesky said.

“It����ap a good sign that potency is down, but when it����ap three out of 10 pills still with a lethal dose, it����ap still playing Russian Roulette with your life,” Olesky said. “…One pill can kill, but one conversation can save.”

Since 2021, nearly 325,000 Americans have died from synthetic opioids, according to the DEA.

Resources for families are available online at .

During a Wednesday morning news conference, officials with the Offices of U.S. Attorney for the District of Colorado, Drug Enforcement Administration, Federal Bureau of Investigation and Internal Revenue Service announced the largest meth bust in state history and described the work that went into the seizure.

Fifteen people were indicted by a federal grand jury in connection with the case, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office. One of the defendants, Marco Antonio De Silva Lara, is facing “the so-called drug kingpin charge as an alleged leader of a drug trafficking organization,” the U.S. Attorney’s Office said.

Despite calling a news conference and convening a gaggle of reporters, none of the agencies took questions from the media.

“This investigation had it all,” DEA Special Agent In Charge Dave Olesky said during the news conference. “From undercover activity to a series of complex wiretaps on targets of the investigation.”

Olesky described the operation as a “massive undertaking” spanning two years and multiple agencies. The bust was the result of wire tapping, undercover operations, about 75 search warrants and “extensive” surveillance,” he said.

Defendants named in the indictment include: De Silva Lara, Sergio Ivan Arce Lopez, Juan Luis Cabrera Saucedo, Luis Enrique Lopez Lopez, Rigoberto Aranda, Erik Alejandro Benitez Chavez, Robert Shane Gerstner, Joseph Ricardo Menzor, William Joseph Rollins, Brittney Pierce, Francisco Javier Armenta Barraza, Jamie Cash Hoover, Cesar Andres Huizar Guerra and Trenton Anthony Thompson. Eleven of those defendants are in federal custody. The remaining defendants are believed to be in Mexico, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.

The operation consisted of multiple drug busts beginning in December 2024 when agents seized 96 pounds of meth from a member of the alleged organization on a Greyhound Bus in Vail. In February, officials seized 101 pounds of meth and a half kilogram of fentanyl powder from another alleged organization member on “a highway in Colorado.” In April, more than 700 pounds of meth was taken from a Lakewood residence along with freezers, propane tanks and other equipment used to make meth.

Investigators said they found thousands of packages of meth hidden among containers of the fruit chayote.

In August, officials took nearly 50 pounds of meth from an Arvada residence.

All 15 defendants face drug charges carrying the potential sentence of no less than 10 years and up to life in federal prison, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.

Four of the defendants are charged with money laundering.

In addition to the DEA, FBI and IRS, the Homeland Security Investigations and ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations are also involved in the investigation along with the Adams County Sheriff’s Office, the Douglas County Sheriff’s Office and the Arvada Police Department.

The Transnational Organized Crime and Money Laundering Section of the United States Attorney’s Office for the District of Colorado is handling the prosecutions, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.

“This successful investigation boasts the largest methamphetamine seizure in Colorado history and intercepted more than 1,000 pounds of methamphetamine before it could be distributed into our community,” said United States Attorney for the District of Colorado Peter McNeilly. “This investigation showcases what we are able to accomplish when we combine the resources, tools, and expertise of federal agencies with the passion, experience, and sweat equity of local law enforcement officers.”

The discovery amounted to a record seizure of fentanyl in Colorado, according to the Drug Enforcement Administration, and the sixth-largest in U.S. history.

The unit was purchased at auction after its previous renter lapsed on its payments. The new owner then called law enforcement, including the Douglas County Sheriff’s Office, after opening it to discover the pills. The unit also contained 12 kilograms of fentanyl powder and two and a half pounds of methamphetamine. Law enforcement subsequently learned that the unit’s previous owner had been arrested by the DEA in April, which is why the unit’s rent went unpaid.

Fentanyl is a synthetic opioid that’s at least 50 times more powerful than morphine. While it has legitimate medical uses, illicitly created fentanyl has become the dominant opioid on the U.S. drug market, and it fueled an overdose crisis that surged in Colorado and across the rest of the United States. The street version of the drug is primarily pressed into pill form, typically to mimic the look of other legitimate opioid pills.

“I want to thank the citizen who reported this discovery, the storage facility staff for their cooperation, and the deputies who responded quickly and professionally,” said Douglas County Sheriff Darren Weekly said in a statement. “Let me send a strong and unmistakable message: fentanyl and illegal narcotics will not be tolerated in Douglas County.”

The powder seized in the operation was enough to create another six million pills, the DEA said.

Those charged include eight people who investigators believe are members of the Venezuelan gang Tren De Aragua, U.S. Attorney Peter McNeilly said. He said he considers three of the eight gang members to be “leaders.” Two of the leaders were arrested July 30 in Colombia, court records show.

McNeilly could not say how many Tren de Aragua gang members remain in Colorado, whether the local members were taking direction from leaders in Venezuela, or how many of the 30 people arrested in the operation were Venezuelan nationals.

David Olesky, a special agent in charge with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, said the federal charges against eight gang members “diminished” Tren de Aragua’s “influence and capabilities” in the Denver area.

The federal investigation started in October when Arapahoe County Sheriff Tyler Brown sought federal assistance to deal with rising crime at the Ivy Crossing apartments on Quebec Street. The subsequent investigation involved at least 40 undercover operations and branched out significantly from the apartment complex.

Federal investigators seized or purchased 69 guns during the investigation, according to court records. Twenty-seven of those guns were connected through ballistics to 67 “separate shooting events,” said Brent Beavers, Denver special agent in charge for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives.

Court records show those incidents included drive-by shootings, an attempted carjacking and a shootout between two large groups, among others.

“By removing these firearms from the street, we’ve disrupted a dangerous cycle of violence, prevented further harm to our community and sent a clear message to criminal networks,” Beavers said.

The defendants in the federal cases announced Monday were not charged in connection with those shootings.

Rather, the majority of defendants face charges of possessing guns, conspiring to illegally traffic guns, distributing drugs and conspiring to distribute drugs in connection with incidents in which they are accused of selling drugs or guns to undercover federal agents.

If convicted, the defendants face between five and 20 years in prison on many of the charges.

Six of the defendants are also charged with conspiring to commit murder-for-hire. An undercover agent asked the defendants in May if they could hire the defendants to kill two people for $10,000. The defendants allegedly agreed to commit the homicides for $15,000, and one defendant also offered to decapitate the victims and return their heads to the undercover agents for an additional $5,000.

Several of the defendants were arrested after they met up to get ready for the killings, according to an affidavit.

Conspiracy to commit murder for hire can be punished by up to 10 years in prison.

The administration’s underlying goal, according to reporting by : To deport 1 million people without proper legal status within a year.

But U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement is not on track to meet that target thus far. In late April, the agency and a similar number of deportations in the first 100 days of the president’s second term. The daily pace has been increasing, however — by early June, according to , the number of arrests had risen to over 100,000.

An escalation in ICE enforcement tactics and rapidly changing immigration policies, along with roadblocks put up by the courts, have defined Trump’s first five months back in office. So have public protests. This month, after ICE began broader-scale actions in Los Angeles, including raids of Home Depot parking lots, the president ordered the National Guard and the Marines to the streets of that city to help respond to demonstrations there — a directive that spurred more protests nationally.

In Colorado, immigrant-rights advocates have been surprised at the administration’s fast pace as it has moved to implement Trump’s agenda. Even if the state has largely not seen the workplace raids conducted elsewhere so far — and legal roadblocks and limited resources have slowed ICE down — it’s been aggressive here in other ways.

Several advocates say they doubt the agency will be able to remove 1 million immigrants by early next year, but ICE’s recent tactics concern them. They’re preparing for enforcement activities to intensify.

“Many people in the immigrant community have realized over the last four or five months that Trump means what he says,” Denver immigration attorney Hans Meyer said. “He is trying to enact a full-scale deportation machine.”

To take stock of Trump’s impact so far, The Denver Post interviewed elected officials, immigrant-rights advocates, legal experts, attorneys, immigrants of varying legal statuses and U.S. citizens who hold differing opinions on the president’s immigration strategy.

Denver has been in ICE’s crosshairs since large-scale raids first began in February. Trump has derided Colorado’s capital as a “sanctuary city,” targeting it along with dozens of others around the country. Last month, the Justice Department sued elected officials in Denver and Colorado over state and local laws limiting cooperation with ICE.

Federal agents have also made arrests near courthouses in downtown Denver, moved enforcement inside the federal courthouse where immigration cases are heard, and detained nationally recognized immigrant-rights activist Jeanette Vizguerra, who remains in ICE custody.

“There’s no small moves here by the Trump administration,” said Pratheepan Gulasekaram, a professor of law at the University of Colorado Boulder.

State and local officials have turned to the courts to fight several of the president’s actions. Attorney General Phil Weiser has filed or joined federal lawsuits that argue against the government’s withholding of funds for states that don’t submit to Trump’s immigration policies. Denver, too, has sued the Trump administration over decisions to hold back millions of dollars in promised grants.

As Denver trudges forward with its legal challenge and contends with ICE activity, Mayor Mike Johnston says he’s committed to keeping it a welcoming city for all.

“We will not shepherd anyone from the law if they’ve broken the law,” he said in an interview. “But we’re also not going to have people be subject to raids in hospitals or churches or schools, which just makes the whole city unsafe.”

Johnston also said: “We will continue to fight in these places where we think that federal action is illegal or unfair and is hurting Denver residents, because we think that’s beyond the scope of what the president can or should be able to do.”

Is deporting 1 million an ‘impossible’ task?

In Colorado, the number of people affected by immigration enforcement activities is still unclear due to a lack of federal transparency.

ICE has only through last December. In March, the agency said it was working toward posting monthly enforcement stats, but those have yet to come to fruition. Local ICE spokesperson Steve Kotecki did not respond when asked how many people had been detained, deported or released by the Denver field office since Jan. 20.

TRAC Reports — an independent and nonpartisan database — has noted that, from the start of the 2025 fiscal year in October through April, were filed in Colorado’s immigration court. That was well below the pace of the 2024 fiscal year, when close to 47,000 new proceedings were recorded for the entire year.

Information on local detainments has been piecemeal, with ICE about dozens of arrests. It’s also conducted several large-scale enforcement actions in recent months that drew broad media coverage.

ICE raids and their uncertainty scare off workers and baffle businesses

Those included a series of raids in a single day in early February across metro Denver at apartment complexes and homes. ICE had set out with a goal of arresting more than 100 gang members but netted just 30, according to Fox News, including one confirmed gang member. Officials complained about interference by activists on the ground.

Other Front Range communities have attracted enforcement activity, too. A multiagency raid of an underground nightclub in Colorado Springs in late April resulted in the detentions of 104 people who were illegally present in the country, ICE said. In early February, a similar raid of a club in Adams County resulted in arrests that included 41 people on immigration holds.

The American Civil Liberties Union of Colorado has confirmed that were taken from Colorado to El Salvador's CECOT prison as of April. The Trump administration, in , has used the Alien Enemies Act against suspected gang members, but advocates have disputed the gang ties of some detainees.

Across Colorado, academics, elected officials and immigration advocates are skeptical the Trump administration will come close to deporting 1 million people in its first year.

Gulasekaram at CU Boulder considers it unlikely, particularly if ICE is focused solely on migrants who've committed crimes and pose national security threats.

On top of that, "the only way in which the Trump administration could even approach what it's talking about is, on the first instance, they would need the manpower, the human power to get there," Gulasekaram said. "Currently, they don't have that."

ICE would need congressional approval for billions of dollars to boost the number of agents in what's already the largest federal enforcement arm, the Department of Homeland Security, Gulasekaram said. Without that, he added, it would require either turning to local law enforcement for help -- a practice that is limited by Colorado law, as well as local policy in places like Denver -- or using the military domestically.

As for the latter, "that is not something that is done," Gulasekaram said. However, he says he fears Trump may be laying the groundwork for that use through his activation of military forces in Los Angeles.

Former President Barack Obama's administration set the annual record by deporting over 438,000 immigrants without legal status in the 2013 fiscal year, according to . In comparison, the most immigrants removed from the United States during Trump's first term was about 267,000, in the 2019 fiscal year, according to .

In the district of state Rep. Ryan Gonzalez, a Greeley Republican, illegal immigration has been a top concern for voters, he said, pointing to polling conducted last year.

Even so, Gonzalez describes Trump's deportation goal as an "impossible" task that would cost too much money.

"I don't really see that happening, to be honest with you," he said. "He's well under the projections of where he should be at this point in time for deportations."

Gonzalez said he had reached out to local law enforcement to discuss ICE activity. He was assured that federal agents were arresting only immigrants without legal status who have severe criminal records, he said -- a move that he supports. "We're not trying to deport, like, the abuelitas," Gonzalez said, using a Spanish word for grandmothers.

But cites detention statistics showing that, while the number of people arrested by ICE who had other criminal charges or convictions nearly doubled between January and June, arrests of people with no charges or convictions -- other than an immigration violation -- increased by 800%.

Colorado U.S. Rep. Gabe Evans and five other congressional Republicans raised concerns to ICE's acting director in a letter this month, inquiring about the agency's enforcement priorities -- and questioning whether the deportation of criminals was still the priority.

"Every minute that we spend pursuing an individual with a clean record is a minute less that we dedicate to apprehending terrorists or cartel operatives," they wrote.

Amid such questions, Raquel Lane-Arellano, the communications manager for the , also doubts that the Trump administration will hit its mark.

"I also don't think you reach those kind of numbers without breaking the rules," Lane-Arellano said.

Groups respond to pivots on enforcement

The coalition is contending with a detainment process that Lane-Arellano depicted as increasingly militarized. During raids, ICE has partnered with federal agencies like the Drug Enforcement Administration and the FBI -- "all these agencies that have, frankly, better work to do than target immigrants," she added.

At groups like hers, "burnout is especially high right now," Lane-Arellano said, with overextended staff scrambling to keep up with Trump's moves.

But the coalition has experienced a jump in donations from citizens and foundations.

"I'm so proud to be a Coloradan right now," Lane-Arellano said.

Jennifer Piper, the program director at the in Denver, also doesn't see ICE hitting 1 million deportees this year unless it gets help from other law enforcement or a funding boost. At the same time, in recent weeks, she's witnessed the escalation in immigration enforcement tactics at courthouses.

She said at least eight people were detained at Denver's federal immigration court from May 29 through June 5, as her group raised the alarm about the new practice.

For these impacted migrants, "you're following the rules; you're showing up" to hearings, Piper said. "Now, when you're showing up, there's this risk that you will be detained -- and that once detained, you'll have to fight your deportation case from inside detention."

In Aurora, the ICE detention center that's run by a government contractor, the GEO Group, is the hub of local immigration enforcement activity. The agency as its only detention center in the state.

As of June 6, the facility housed 1,020 people -- more than 90% of them men, according to published by U.S. Rep. Jason Crow, a Democrat whose district includes the center.

The top five countries of origin among detainees were Mexico, Venezuela, Guatemala, Honduras and India, the report says. Information was unavailable on the number of people brought into or released from the facility around that time. However, a previous report from May 16 said 131 people left the center during the prior week -- 124 deported from the U.S. and seven released from the facility.

Near the end of former President Joe Biden's administration, about 15 to 20 people were released from the GEO facility each week, estimated Andrea Loya, the executive director of , an Aurora-based organization that works with detained immigrants directly.

Now, several months into Trump's new term, she says the average has fallen to just five to 10 per week.

Trump's approach draws some support

Some Coloradans back Trump's removal efforts to varying degrees, including those who argue for changes to the federal immigration system.

They're not alone: Just over 50% of American adults want to see some immigrants without legal status deported, and another 32% would like to see all of them removed from the country, the reported in March. But other national polling results have differed, with only 43% of Americans approving of Trump's approach to immigration as of June in a .

The found in March that 53% of likely voters in the state believe Trump "has gone too far" in his deportation efforts, while 26% believe the administration has been "about right" in its approach.

In Castle Rock, Juan Candil supports Trump's strategy.

"I feel that not a lot of Latinos or immigrants would agree with me. I feel that things are changing for the better" under Trump, said Candil, 24.

The Colombian immigrant applied for asylum almost a decade ago, arguing that he had much to fear in his home country. However, he's still waiting for his turn with an asylum officer.

Candil depicted some recent migrants as very good people, while others are "bad actors," he said. Candil agrees with the administration's encouragement of self-deportation, in particular.

"That is relieving pressure from the system -- which, hopefully, also means that we get on the docket of some immigration judge sooner than later," Candil said.

Though he and his parents left Bogotá, Colombia, in 2016 after he said cartels threatened their safety, they still have yet to progress through the asylum process, he said: "It's been nine years. We're still waiting on an answer."

His family continues to shell out cash for attorneys and work authorization renewals, but "that money could kick-start our American dream of owning a house or starting our own business," Candil said.

Scott Shamblin, 23, also wants to see reforms in the nation's immigration system, including a streamlined process for immigrants with proper legal status to gain citizenship.

"I'm very pro-immigration, as is basically any Republican you talk to, including Trump," said Shamblin, who serves as the chair of the Arapahoe County Young Republicans. "It's just, they should do so legally."

He said Americans should have a say in who can stay.

"We should know who is in our country, and especially if they are criminals," Shamblin added.

James Wiley, the executive director of the Libertarian Party of Colorado, described his party, which has the most affiliated voters of any minor party in the state, as historically conflicted on immigration.

"Oftentimes, we consider any acts of the state to be violent and, therefore, any enforcement of borders to be an expression of that violence," Wiley said.

However, that sentiment has narrowed in recent years, particularly within the state's party, as Libertarians take an interest in some immigration restrictions. Now, they tend to welcome newcomers to the country -- if they align with American values.

"Let anybody come here who actually values the same things that Americans value: liberty, freedom, personal responsibility, personal sovereignty," Wiley said.

In his view, Mexico and Canada do not share those values, though he'd favor open borders with Argentina.

"What I'm seeing from the administration over the last five months is good in the element of a reduction of immigration, but it's not necessarily for the right reasons," Wiley said. "It's based on fear."

Worries mount in immigrant communities

Among many in Colorado's immigrant communities, the Trump administration's methods have inspired the kind of fear that Wiley is talking about.

"I, unfortunately, will say I think the Trump administration has been very effective," said state Rep. Yara Zokaie, a Fort Collins Democrat, "and that they are ignoring court orders and that they are using military force to enact their policies."

She argues that ICE is targeting migrants beyond violent criminals and that family separation has already occurred in her district, with parents deported and children left behind.

As an Iranian-American legislator, Zokaie also hears from the state's Middle Eastern community. She said some of those Coloradans are worried about the new travel ban, which went into effect June 9.

According to the , immigrants and nonimmigrants alike from 12 countries -- including Afghanistan, Iran, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen -- cannot enter the United States.

"There's a lot of concern over whether folks who live here can travel," Zokaie said.

On top of that, she added, "we have people who are fleeing from majority-Muslim and African nations -- that are fleeing violence and persecution and authoritarian regimes -- and this puts their lives in danger."

In Colorado, Zokaie says American citizens who are Brown are opting to carry their U.S. passports with them on a regular basis.

But on the Western Slope, Vanessa, a 25-year-old immigrant, doesn't have that option as a grantee of the . She declined to use her last name, citing concerns about potential changes to her legal status under the Trump administration.

Vanessa was only 6 months old when her parents brought her across the southern U.S. border from Guerrero, Mexico. "My parents decided to come over here for a better job opportunity, education and for safety," she said.

At 16, Vanessa was accepted as a DACA recipient during Obama's administration. Since then, she's used it to work and attend college. But Vanessa's uncertain about the fate of the program under Trump.

"I don't know what's going to happen to DACA," she said. "My whole life is based on this. My career is on this."

She also worries about workplace raids sweeping up her loved ones who are undocumented.

Still, "my parents have never been the type where they will stop doing what they are going to do because of this," Vanessa said. "If we're not doing anything wrong, we shouldn't be scared."

At Meyer's Denver law firm, he's helping clients without legal status prepare their families for the possibility of ICE apprehension and is familiarizing them with how to fight to stay in immigration court.

A few clients have approached the attorney to discuss self-deportation. But even more have conferred with him about how to seek legal protections or apply for green cards or citizenship, he said.

"For most immigrants, I think self-deportation is not a viable option," Meyer said. "The longer people have been here, the deeper their ties. And the deeper their ties, the more things they have to fight for."

'I see their horror and their fear'

A Denver-based organization is contending with another aspect of the Trump administration's approach to curtailing immigration: the president's indefinite .

The decision has left the Ethiopian Community Development Council's  grappling with how it can fulfill its mission as a nonprofit refugee resettlement agency.

Rhossy Ouanzin Gbebri, the development and communications manager, says he's unsure when the halt will be lifted. The agency typically serves 1,000 to 1,200 people annually.

"If we don't receive refugees, we don't get the money that we're supposed to get to be able to help them," Ouanzin Gbebri said. "Everything that is happening at the federal level impacts our work."

When the State Department ordered agencies to cease work under certain grants, the center was forced to let go of 15 staff members. The people it serves -- particularly those who haven't mastered English yet -- continue leaning on staff for help.

"Over the past five months, I've seen all sorts of emotion," Ouanzin Gbebri said. "A lot of people were scared. A lot of people were coming to the office to get help."

But volunteers have stepped up and lawyers are teaching refugees about their rights -- making for a silver lining for Ouanzin Gbebri.

"This work matters," he said. "Refugees here still need our help."

Other Coloradans have supported immigrants facing insecurities under Trump, including U.S. citizens motivated to respond after seeing the impact of the president's policies on their neighbors.

In Aurora, the Rev. Wayne Laws of the United Church of Christ is handling fears among the devout in the local faith community.

"Some pastors are reporting a drop-off in the congregation because immigrants, migrants are afraid to come to worship services," said Laws, 70.

But he says he's also seeing a greater level of activism. Laws and other local faith leaders are working together to launch , an organization that would provide crisis care to vulnerable populations.

Denver resident Roz Heise, 82, says she knows many immigrants without full legal status.

"I see their horror and their fear," Heise said. "I feel helpless and sad and frustrated and ashamed."

The octogenarian said that, over the course of her life, she hadn't heard such negative rhetoric about immigrants until Trump's first term. She's written letters to her elected officials and attended protests.

"If they want to arrest me for something, go right ahead," Heise said. "I mean, I'm 82. What are they gonna do? Kill me?"

As Trump's approach on immigration evolves -- and -- she's among immigrant-rights advocates, lawyers and officials in Colorado who say they will be ready to respond.

was arrested Wednesday on one count of distribution and possession with intent to distribute a substance containing cocaine and one count of conspiracy in connection with an underground club, Warike, that was raided by federal agents early Sunday morning, according to an FBI arrest affidavit.

As of Thursday, his was the only federal criminal case connected to the raid, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Colorado.

Orona-Rodriguez appears to be a leader or owner of Immortal Security LLC, which employs other active-duty and former military members, despite a commanding officer telling Orona-Rodriguez that working for the company was “off limits” to military members and he was forbidden from off-duty employment without approval. Employees at the company are suspected of illegal drug distribution, including at the club at 296 South Academy Boulevard, investigators wrote in the complaint.

FBI officials say Orona-Rodriguez sold cocaine to an undercover U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration agent, and a federal search warrant found he was texting with a conspirator and customers as part of a cocaine distribution scheme since at least September.

In texts sent in February, March and April, Orona-Rodriguez discussed drug quantities and quality with an unnamed conspirator and made plans to pick up the drugs and for the conspirator to deliver them to Warike, court records show. The conspirator is believed to be a Mexican citizen who is in the country illegally and Orona-Rodriguez’s supplier.

Texts with customers show Orona-Rodriguez negotiating the cost and amount of an unnamed substance that, based on the prices, is most likely cocaine, investigators wrote. In one exchange, he tells a customer the price of two ounces was $1,700 but increased to $1,800 because it’s “getting expensive,” according to the complaint.

In another conversation, a customer tells Orona-Rodriguez that they’re at the club and want half a “zip,” a slang term for an ounce.

The FBI also found texts showing Orona-Rodriguez was sending photos of guns he could sell to an unnamed customer, who asked about paying partially in cash and partially in cocaine. He told the customer, who investigators say was an undocumented immigrant, that he would only accept cash.

In a statement Thursday, Fort Carson officials said they were aware a soldier was arrested and will continue cooperating with the agencies involved in the investigation. Base officials did not answer questions about whether Fort Carson is also investigating Orona-Rodriguez.

Federal agents detained more than 100 undocumented immigrants after the 3:45 a.m. raid at Warike, which DEA officials say was home to drug trafficking, prostitution and violent crime. The raid drew from Colorado Springs activists and a from law enforcement, who criticized the spread of a “false narrative” aimed at villainizing police.

A similar raid of an illegal Adams County nightclub in January did not lead to any charges, though 41 people were detained by ICE.