The letter is dated May 23, 2005. It begins: “The last few months have been interesting times in the history of Colorado,” which is code for, “Being in the minority party in the legislature is a living hell.”
It mentions homeland security, emergency preparedness and protecting private-property rights and the business climate in Colorado.
It hits all the key talking points and finally it gets to the ask: “Would you please consider giving any size contribution to my Senate office account?”
It is signed “Senator Tom J. Wiens.”
In the fine print is a disclaimer, “Not paid for at taxpayer expense,” which means the money came from campaign funds or maybe the tooth fairy.
Enclosed in the mailing sent to lobbyists and others is a form recommending contributions of $50 to $5,000. It asks donors to identify their occupations and their employers. It says their “financial participation is critical.”
Let me emphasize that this was entirely legal – as well as stunningly effective.
While other legislators, both Democrat and Republican, reported receiving contributions of several thousand dollars to supplement the measly state funds for their office accounts last year, the Castle Rock Republican hit the jackpot, raking in $20,000.
Among the contributors to Wiens was Larry Romrell, who made a $5,000 donation, state records show.
Romrell is a longtime telecom exec, but he also has a colorful history in the political arena. He was identified in a 1992 congressional report as one of the “front men” for the Bank of Credit and Commerce International in the United States, though no evidence was found that Romrell knew of the conspiracy.
The committee that investigated BCCI was chaired by Sen. John Kerry and then-Sen. Hank Brown.
Now in case you’re foggy about the details of the old BCCI affair, it is described in the report as “international financial crime on a massive and global scale.” The report says that “BCCI systematically bribed world leaders and political figures” and “made extensive use of the revolving door and political influence peddling in the United States to accomplish its goals.”
The objective of the BCCI money-laundering, gun-running, narcotics and nuclear weapons syndicate was to evade government regulation, the report says, and to “frustrate the full understanding of BCCI’s operations by anyone.” Many reputations connected with it were tarnished.
OK, so BCCI is ancient history. Let’s get back to the office accounts.
When Colorado voters tightened the screws on campaign contributions and required strict disclosure of contributors and expenditures in 2002, they overlooked the office accounts.
So while the U.S. Congress is busy writing ethics policies that would ban free travel, meals, tickets and other gifts from lobbyists in the wake of the Jack Abramoff scandal, Colorado lawmakers are shaking down lobbyists and others for cash. And the annual deadline for disclosing the cash flow conveniently falls in January, two months after the election.
On Wednesday, Sen. Ron Tupa, D-Boulder, and Rep. Paul Weissmann, D-Louisville, outlined their proposal to prohibit cash donations to office accounts in what Weissmann said was an effort “to get ahead of the curve.”
Nothing scandalous has happened yet, they insisted, but before one of their colleagues gets caught voting for something that will make a contributor to an office account very, very rich, they want to stop the madness.
Sure, there always will be ways to seduce the lawmakers. Tupa and Weissmann admit they aren’t messing with the free meals, free football tickets and the latest twist on evading campaign finance limits, in-kind contributions to office accounts – yet. “We want to slay one dragon at a time,” said Tupa.
As the Abramoff effect ripples across the landscape, I’m guessing the pressure on lawmakers to support a ban on soliciting office slush funds from lobbyists and others will be huge.
If only they’d take the voters’ real message from 2002 to heart.
Diane Carman’s column appears Sunday, Tuesday and Thursday. She can be reached at 303-820-1489 or dcarman@denverpost.com.
